------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: August 15, 1997 Issue #798 Noted in Passing: ``Death is our ultimate choice before we are forced to leave this country (Bangladesh).'' -- Muslim refugee leader Mohammad Rafique Sayedi (see REUTER: MOSLEMS VOW DEATH BEFORE REPATRIATION) HEADLINES: ========== REUTER: MOSLEMS VOW DEATH BEFORE REPATRIATION BKK POST: OVER 100 FEARED DEAD IN FLOODS BKK POST: ANTI-BURMA PROTESTERS DIFFERENT APPROACH BKK POST: KORN, KHIN NYUNT TO CO-CHAIR BRIDGE OPENING NLM: FROM WASHINGTON TO UNIVERSITY AVENUE BURMA OFFICE: AUST. EDUCATION UNION SUPPORTS BOYCOTT BKK POST: BRIDGE ONE LINK IN CHAIN SPANNING ASIA ANNOUNCEMENT: FREE BURMA POSTER CONTEST -------------------------------------------------------------------------- REUTER: MOSLEMS VOW DEATH BEFORE REPATRIATION TO BURMA August 13, 1997 By Anis Ahmed NAYAPARA, Bangladesh, Aug. 13 (Reuter) - Thousands of Burmese Moslem refugees living in camps in southeast Bangladesh said they would rather die than go back home to face persecution, killings and sexual assault they say they have suffered at the hands of Burma's military. The refugees, who have refused food rations from camp authorities since July 21, say 25 children and old people have already died in the last three weeks. ``Death is our ultimate choice before we are forced to leave this country (Bangladesh),'' said Mohammad Rafique Sayedi, a refugee leader at the Nayapara camp along the Naf river that draws the border between the two countries. ``We can't simply walk back into the military state and let our girls be violated or sons be killed by security forces,'' he told Reuters at his camp this week. ``Only an appalling fate and maybe death awaits us in Myanmar,'' said Momena Khatoon, a mother of three. ``Life for us is also bad in Bangladesh...but not like hell in our native country.'' The refugees have been refusing rations in protest at what they said were attempts by the Bangladesh government to send them back home by force. In early 1992, some 250,000 Burmese Moslems, known as Rohingyas, fled west Burma's Moslem-majority Arakan state into southeastern Bangladesh to escape alleged persecution and forced labour. All but 21,000 Rohingyas had been repatriated to Burma until the process was stopped in April following complaints by the refugees and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) that many had been forced back and subjected to torture and repression. A 1992 agreement between Dhaka and Rangoon provided for only voluntary repatriation supervised by the UNHCR. Bangladesh denies anyone has been sent home against their will but suspended the repatriation process on July 21, a day after clashes at Nayapara between police and refugees resisting repatriation injured around 20 people, including six policemen. The refugees have since refused food rations offered by the Bangladesh authorities. Earlier this month, militant refugees barricaded the entrance to their camp, shouting demands and warning of tougher action if anyone tried to force them from Bangladesh. The Nayapara camp, where two-thirds of the 21,000 Rohingyas live in bamboo and straw shanties -- each housing one family irrespective of its size -- is virtually out of bounds to law enforcement agencies. ``We will resist to the last drop of our blood anyone trying to force their way into the camp,'' said refugee Syed Kashem Master. The refugees said about 25 children and elderly camp inmates had died of starvation and diseases since July 21. Sayedi showed Reuters new graves near the camp to support the claim as the Rohingyas prepared for another child's burial. ``This is the latest victim,'' Sayedi said. The reported starvation deaths could not be independently confirmed. Christiane Blessing-Win, logistics officer of UNHCR in Cox's Bazar district, said she had been told that two children had died during the July 20 clashes. ``The situation (in the camp) has been basically unchanged (since July 20). We are extremely concerned and are seeking latest information,'' she told Reuters on Monday. Both UNHCR and Bangladeshi officials believe the Nayapara inmates have a clandestine food supply line, but no one knows who provides it. Bangladesh insists the Rohingyas are mostly economic refugees and that they must all go back. ``While we have repeatedly reaffirmed to the refugees and the UNHCR that no one would be forced back to Burma, we remain firm in our position that Bangladesh cannot give permanent residence to the Rohingyas,'' one government official in Chittagong said earlier this month. *************************************************** BKK POST: OVER 100 FEARED DEAD IN FLOODS August 14, 1997 Tak, Mae Sot More than a hundred people are feared dead and several others missing in the floods sweeping over villages along Pegu Division and the Mon state of Burma over the last two weeks, a border source said yesterday. Heavy rains hit Burmese towns late last month, causing the Salween, Sittaung and Jaing rivers to overflow and inundate hundreds of villages along river banks. Trade has been hit hard by the. flooding and the transportation of goods from Myawaddy to Rangoon only resumed on Tuesday after a halt of a week, sources said. Six bridges along Pegu division and Mon state were reportedly damaged by the floods, they added. A Burmese trader from Moulmein who crossed the border to Mae Sot said yesterday that train services on the Pegu-Paung route have been halted for over two weeks. ****************************************************** BKK POST: ANTI-BURMA PROTESTERS TAKE DIFFERENT APPROACH August 14, 1997 By Bangkok Post Reporters Burmese students in exile plan to rally a nationwide strike against their country's military government as part of a new protest strategy which has abandoned military offensives for non-violent tactics. The new approach, which aims to restore democracy and human rights in Burma, was adopted by 40 student leaders of All Burma Students' Democratic Front from different parts in Burma who met recently, ABSDF spokesman Zaw Min said yesterday. The new strategy will receive popular support in the wake of increasing repression of political dissidents, worsening economic situation and growing dissatisfaction among the rank and file of the Burmese army. an ABSDF statement said. "The ABSDF believes that in the foreseeable future, the people will be driven to a level at which they can tolerate no more and at which they will once again rise up against the dictatorship as they did in 1988 and risk life and limb to demonstrate their desperation," it said. Mr. Zaw Min said the group resolved to work to educate Burmese people in remote areas and set up contacts with human rights groups and political parties for such purposes. Formed after a political uprising in 1988, ABSDF initially joined an armed ethnic-minority alliance to stand up to the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council. The armed struggle was not successful as many insurgencies entered ceasefire deals with the Slorc a few years ago. Mr. Zaw Min said about 1,600 ABSDF forces remain at the Burmese borders with Thailand, India and China. ************************************************* BKK POST: KORN, KHIN NYUNT TO CO-CHAIR OPENING CEREMONY FOR BRIDGE August 14, 1997 [abridged] Supamart Kasem Deputy Prime Minister Korn Dabbaransi and Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council first secretary Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt will chair the opening ceremony of the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge to be held in Mae Sot district tomorrow. [excerpts from related articles] -------------------------------------------------- BKK POST: OPTIMISM NOT WIDELY SHARED August 14, 1997 [abridged] Onnucha Hutasingh, Supamart Kasem Local tour companies have been reluctant to use tomorrow's opening ceremonies as a selling point for tourists. Many, wary of Rangoon's knee-jerk reactions to boundary conflicts, are uncertain about the bridge's future. Paniti Tangpati, deputy chairman of the Tak Chamber of Commerce, said Burma had steadfastly refused to sign any agreement that it felt might put it at a disadvantage. He believes it only agreed to joint construction because it wanted to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. And local vendors' stalls were demolished as a precondition for construction to resume. Amphon Mankhong said since the removal of 143 stalls at the foot of the bridge, vendors had had no place to sell their goods. "I traded in Ban Rim Moei for 20 years before the bridge was constructed," he complained. "Today we have nothing to show for it." --------------------------------------------------------- BKK POST: NEW ERA OF COOPERATION OPENS August 14, 1997 Onnucha Hutasingh, Supamart Kasem The permanent status being simultaneously granted to three border checkpoints will enable Thai and Burmese authorities to collect more taxes from the transportation of goods and people. After the bridge opens, several joint development projects involving billions of baht are expected to flow to Thailand and Burma. One such project, on the Mae Sot -Myawaddy-Moulemein-Rangoon route, came before the Thai cabinet in Chiang Rai last month. Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, chairman of Rangoon's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), has pledged his full support, and a senior Thai official said the project would foster industrial growth and create jobs. Target areas include Mae Sot, Mae Ramat and Phop Phra districts in Tak; Myawaddy, Kawkareik, Pa-an in Karen State, Thaton, Bilin and Kyaikto in Mon State; and Waw, Pegu, Thilawa, Moulemein and Thanbyuzayat towns. Thailand and Burma also plan to invest in infrastructure to pave the way for a joint economic zone along the border. They hope the economic zone will attract some 20 economic and industrial projects involving 21 billion baht. Burmese authorities plan to develop deep-sea ports in Moulemein and Kyaikkami and dredge the Jaing and Salween rivers to facilitate transport. Paniti Tangpati, deputy chairman of the Tak Chamber of Commerce said economic cooperation would help persuade Thai investors to expand their bases in Burma, with its cheap labour and natural resources. Burma would benefit from Thailand's technology, Mr. Paniti said. "The investment atmosphere in Burma is good now that Rangoon is a full member of the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations. Investors ... feel more secure about investing in Burma." It was hoped that foreign investment in Burma would help lure back more than 40,000 Burmese immigrants working illegally in Mae Sot. Mr. Paniti said he was looking forward to a sharp rise in cross-border trade between Mae Sot and Myawaddy, now estimated at 300 million baht a month, once the bridge opened. A long time champion of the bridge project, former Thai interior minister Udzon Tantisunthorn, said the bridge should become a major gateway for Thai exports to Burma and other countries. Its construction was a long-term investment for Thailand and Burma, assisted by a 350 million baht-contribution from Australia. "To date Thailand has invested 79.2 million baht in the bridge. Thai investors will benefit by penetrating new markets in Burma and in other neighbouring countries including Bangladesh and India," Mr. Udon said. ------------------------------------------ BKK POST: BOUNDARY ROWS MAY EASE August 14, 1997 Supamart Kasem Mae Sot, Tak -- Colonel Chatchapat Yaemngarmriab, Fourth Infantry Regiment Task Force commander, expects eventual resolution of boundary disputes along the Moei River, at Doi Lang in Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district, at Hill 491 in Chumphon's Tha Sae district, and on three islands in the Andaman Sea off Ranong. He believes the two countries will cooperate to solve problems involving Burmese refugees encamped in Thailand, immigrants seeking jobs illegally in Thailand and the smuggling of weapons and drugs. Now a full member of ASEAN, Burma must comply with international law, which in part would prevent it from closing its border at will, he said. Col. Chatchapat said problems would linger over the Karen National Union, which is fighting Rangoon. The ethnic rebels were still reportedly attacking government forces 10 to 20 kilometres from the border. A former diplomat living in Mae Sot said Burma was very sensitive about foreign promises. It could withdraw from ASEAN if it felt exploited, he warned. The former diplomat said Burma had been a member of the Non-Aligned Group until then-president Ne Win abandoned the international cooperative during a meeting in Havana, reasoning that many member countries did not live up to the principles of the group. After that, Burma was effectively closed to outsiders. As MR. Sukhumbhand Paribatra, a former university lecturer, has said, the Burma that Thailand knows is the Burma of 10 years ago. **************************************** NLM: FROM WASHINGTON TO UNIVERSITY AVENUE August 10, 1997 [abridged] Article by Kaytu Nilar We can't leave Daw Suu Kyi when we talk about anarchism that ruled the nation in 1988. So also, we can't forget the rule of anarchism in 1988 when we talk about her. Like a piece of garbage that drifted together with the rising tide, anarchy has pushed the naive Daw Suu Kyi into politics. We are much regretful to know that Daw Suu Kyi has also become the victim of colonialists, who are killing her slowly. She married an Englishman, a descendant of colonialists who assassinated her father and her great-grand-father. As a wife, she has to attend to his needs. There is firm evidence that Daw Suu Kyi in accord with the wish of neocolonialists is attempting continuously to disintegrate the independence and sovereignty that was restored with much blood and sweat and to destroy the Tatmadaw, which is the national force. Colonialists killed her using dollar as a weapon. She has no desire to safeguard the race. She gave birth to children who have blood of colonialists without any shame instead of the blood of the national leaders. She has lost pride and integrity of the race. The names Aung San Suu Kyi or Suu Kyi no more exist in her life. Mrs. Michael Aris is her real identity. Her life has ended although she is alive. If she could purify herself to be free from greed, anger and ignorance and see the truth, she would have to confess that her life has been ruined by dollars. These incidents have led to the creation of a story named "From Washington to University Avenue." The end of this story is that Daw Suu Kyi was assassinated by colonialists. The timing of the play "From Washington to University Avenue" was set around 1988 when anarchistic insurgency reigned at high tides. Daw Suu Kyi senselessly accepted the life of the leader of the 1988 anarchistic insurgency. In fact, Daw Suu Kyi was a piece of refuse drifting with the tides of anarchistic insurgency which was brought into shape like a democracy revolution. At that time, member of the Congress Stephen Solarz in Washington and Ambassador of the US to Myanmar Burton Levin had discussions with Daw Suu Kyi at her residence on University Avenue. Thus, the play "From Washington to University Avenue" began. Stephen Solarz gave guidance to Daw Suu Kyi to form an interim government. In Bangkok, Thailand, on their way back, they said that a civil war was about to break out in Myanmar, that America supported demonstrators morally and politically and members of the Myanma Tatmadaw up to the rank of colonel sympathized with the demonstrators. What they said was carried by the Bangkok Post. Congressman Stephen Solarz came here again on 4 September 1988 and went back the following day. It can be gauged how deep the extent of his penetration into the Myanmar political arena was only within one day for interference and giving orders. At the same turn of events, it was heard that a flotilla comprising five combat ships of the US Navy, which had to follow the guidance of the American Government in Washington, encroached upon Myanmar territorial waters on 12 September morning and stationed at a location, about 190 nautical miles to the south of Yangon, at 14x 57" N latitude and 96x 33" E longitude. It comprised combat ships No 43, 115 and 5. The ship No 43 had set two boats to the waters for training. Another one was an aircraft carrier. The Tatmadaw asked the officials of the American Embassy about the matter and they admitted the truth with surprise. They gave an excuse that it was to save the American families and citizens should situations in Myanmar become complicated. However, in fact, 276 members of the families of the American Embassy and other embassies had already left at 6 p.m. on 10 September 1988 by a chartered flight for Bangkok. Moreover, in a proclamation circulated among the people of Yangon entitled 'Warning in 24 hours' advance' and dated 12 September 1988, the names Deputy Commander-in-Chief (Navy) Rear Admiral Maung Maung Khin and Deputy Commander-in-Chief (Air) Maj-Gen Tin Tun were included with their bogus signatures. It caused suspicion on the Tatmadaw and panic among the public. It was urged in the fabricated letter to form an interim government after negotiations between all the opposition leaders and the government in power to dissolve the present Hluttaw and government, to systematically transfer power by the government in power to the interim government, to proclaim all these from Radio Myanmar and TV Myanmar at 1 p.m. on 13 September 1988 at the latest with the threat that failure to do so would lead to artillery fire by the Tatmadaw (Navy) with the support of fighter planes of the Tatmadaw (Air) beginning 1.05 p.m. on 13 September, on Konmyinttha, the Party Headquarters, 8th Mile Ady Road, 7 + Mile Inya Lake bund, the Council of State Office, Inya Lake Hotel and Ching Tsong Yeiktha. According to this letter, it was a point to ponder over whether it was a coincidence between the stealthy invasion of the American Navy flotilla into Myanma territorial waters and circulation of the 24 hours' advance warning or a deliberate action. Whatever the answer was, it was an attempt to break up the Tatmadaw. Since then, the Voice of America (VOA) and the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) have actively transmitted fabricated news and features instigating disturbances up to date. With the high tides of anarchistic insurgency in 1988, Daw Suu Kyi's standing and movement was overshadowed the influence of Washington. She spoke democracy language and used the word 'human rights' profusely in her demand for formation of an interim government. Under these circumstances, writer Min Theinkha, Champion Tin Nyunt, Gonhtu U Thein Naing and Myint Maung Maung organized a gathering of people and led a movement of instigation and agitation under the name of a ceremony for preaching democracy sermons near the Ministry of Defence on 16 September 1988 and tested the strength and challenged the ministry. They attacked and insulted the Tatmadaw with obscene, impudent and abusive words. The Tatmadaw's deterrence of their movement and action was rumoured to the effect that "the army would shoot if the talks continued", "the army opened fire on the people at the talks", leading to a convergence of armed mobs around the ministry. The problem had not grown out of control owing to the Tatmadaw's magnanimity, foresight and forbearance. On 17 September, the mobs accused a platoon of the Tatmadaw on security duty at the Ministry of Trade of opening fire on the people and resorted to terrorism, daring to the extent of capturing 24 Tatmadawmen including an officer. However, the Tatmadaw bore magnanimity and forbearance. In fact, the platoon was combat ready, armed with full fire power. Higher officials gave them the 'don't shoot' order, choosing the best way of averting bloodshed. This was a tradition of the Tatmadaw and its attitude towards the people. If an overall view is made of all these events, it is to be said that the responsibility was on the so-called democracy leaders. Although they assumed the name of leader after organizing the people to instigate disturbances and demonstration, they could not maintain order as democracy movement. Instead, this led to a sea of miseries under murderous anarchistic insurgency fraught with looting, arsons and decapitation. Of the persons daring to assume the name of democracy leaders, Daw Suu Kyi further came out to the forefront instead of steering the people onto the path of disciplined democracy. She became prominent. She became more and more self-conceited. However, Daw Suu Kyi had no idea about democracy; she does not understand the mechanism of democracy; and she does not know of democratic practice. She just has the concepts such as "confrontation", "defiance" and "terrorism" formed in her mixed with her deep-rooted extreme impulsiveness and severe character. These inherent concepts compelled her to link Washington with the University Avenue in no time. To be more explicit, Daw Suu Kyi's inherent concepts based on her nature and character are the qualities fit to be used by the US government and the CIA's international colonialist gang. The US government and CIA's colonialist bloc used Daw Suu Kyi as people believe and admire her for being daughter of a national leader who sacrificed his life for the nation which has a great historical traditions and the race, as it is easy to mould her the way they like for she has no political experience and as they trust her since she is married to an ancestor of the imperialists. Such things are not metaphysical; they are logical and reasonable; present situations stand witness to their verifiability. Hence, Daw Suu Kyi never realizes the national political policy of the State Law and Order Restoration Council Tatmadaw Government which emerged on 18 September 1988 in response to history; she never attempts to study it; and she has been opposing and attacking it up to now. On 20 July 1989, action was taken against Daw Suu Kyi under Section 10 (b) of the Law Protecting the State Against Danger of Disruptive and Destructive Elements in order to prevent the dangers likely to harm the sovereignty, national security and community peace and tranquillity as her actions were heading for defiance from confrontation while she was marching on the traitor's path. In reality, actions taken against Daw Suu Kyi were less severe than the offences she committed. Though actions had to be taken against the daughter of a national architect unavoidably, they were carried out leniently. However, Daw Suu Kyi was not loyal to the State and she used all available opportunities cunningly. She exchanged letters with the international colonialist group through her husband and sons. She was disloyal to the State exchanging instructions and discussions and messages and conniving with the colonialist bloc. After the restraining order imposed on her had been revoked on 10 July 1995, Daw Suu Kyi held a press conference the next day where she threatened "utter devastation". In fact, Daw Suu Kyi had transformed confrontation into defiance, and defiance into utter devastation terrorism. This is not an accusation but is concluded with reference to firm, logical evidences. Though Daw Suu Kyi was a legal political party leader, she made schemes to instigate unlawful acts, incite riot and create anarchic acts. Though she shouted democracy, she was practically gripping anarchism and terrorism. Therefore, she makes contacts with the expatriate armed group which is rebelling against the Government. She even supported Metharawhta Declaration, the scheme to disintegrate the Union, adopted by the timber, gems and heroin smugglers under the name of national races out-laws; she drove a wedge between the Government and the armed organizations which made peace with it to cause suspicions; she tried to disrupt political stability; she protested against foreign investments to jeopardize economic development of the nation; with the support of US government and international colonialist bloc, she repeatedly demanded imposition of economic sanctions upon Myanmar; the US government announced its imposition of economic sanctions at Daw Suu Kyi's request, acting in synchrony like teacher and pupil; she protested against the nation's membership in ASEAN; even her teacher US President Clinton visited ASEAN nations, and organized and pressured them for realization of their evil scheme; but, on the contrary, all ASEAN nations decided to admit Myanmar into ASEAN. Daw Suu Kyi is colluding with dignitaries of Washington such as US Congressman Solarz, Ambassador of US to Myanmar Burton Levin and Madeline Albright and President Clinton, and the broadcasting stations such as VOA and RFA, and CIA bloc. At the same time, she is taking the international colonialist bloc's financial assistance as the cash awards for the 39 titles. In addition, she personally received the financial assistance sent to her directly by the colonialist bloc. The situation that Daw Suu Kyi was conniving with destructionists to destroy the nation and undermine the Tatmadaw after taking the colonialist bloc's financial assistance was fully exposed by Secretary-1 of the State Law and Order Restoration Council Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt's clarification on 27 June 1997. [11 Aug., p 5] When the revelations in the Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt's clarification is studied either point by point or in a spot light, it has become vividly clear that the objective of the story, "From Washington to University Avenue" is "confrontation, defiance of authority and violence". Those who advocated aggression in the US at one time provided arms and supplies to the Nationalist Chinese for their aggression against Myanmar. Moreover, at the UN Security Council, they defended the Nationalist Chinese. With the exception of the Ba Ka Pa (BCP), they contacted, supported and assisted all the insurgent groups in the jungle including U Nu's expatriate parliamentary democracy party, Pyichit Tatmadaw (patriotic army) and the KNU. Even today, they have extended massive financial aid to the National League for Democracy group including expatriate Sein Win and KNU terrorists taking refuge and terrorising at the border or the so-called liberated area. They are abetting those elements to disturb Myanmar politically and militarily. In connection with US aiding and abetting of terrorists by giving them assistance in both cash and kind, the Secretary-1 clarified: "The United States of America has, in accordance with the Annual Foreign Assistance Appropriations Act, been extending financial assistance to underground armed groups in Myanmar's border areas. The decisions for the annual budget appropriations are passed by the US Congress and directly administered by the US State Department under the two headings: -- The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour (BDHRL), and the Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration (BPRM). Under the BDHRL programme, 2.38 million dollars in the financial year of 1996 and 2.5 million dollars in the year of 1997, were respectively utilized from the Budget Appropriations." Through the revelations in the clarification of the Secretary-1, we can learn the exact amount and figures of financial assistance given by the US government to internal and external destructive armed and terrorist groups from 1990 to 1996 to commit acts of destruction in all aspects. Furthermore, the Secretary-1 indicated that starting from the late 1988 the US government terminated all aid programmes extended to the Government and transferred assistance to underground armed groups and terrorist groups. The Secretary-1 has also disclosed with firm evidence the involvement of US citizens and their schemes to sabotage Myanmar. He went on to clarify the plot to explode a parcel bomb at the residence of the Secretary-2 and the role of US cohorts expatriate Sein Win, Naing Aung, Win Khet and Thaung Tun. Those who actually initiated the act were Thein Ngwe and Thomas (a) Gon Aung including Tun Aye, Mya Mya Win and Win Naing of Burma Association in Japan. Bio data of those who perpetrated the bomb explosion and explosive devices and evidence supporting the terrorist acts were also exhibited. The terrorist group led by a stooge of the US government expatriate Sein Win is working out plans systematically to commit sabotage and terrorism in the townships and departments at the border and in the country. The terrorist group comprises Maung Maung (a) Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai, son of NLD central executive committee member U Nyunt Wai, bomb expert Thein Ngwe, Than Lwin, Thomas (a) Gon Aung, Pyi Thein (a) Maxwell. In this way, illegal organizations outside the country have committed atrocious acts. They sought connections inside the country to assassinate personalities in the leadership and explode bombs at foreign embassies. In his attempt to maintain internal contacts, Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai approached and persuaded Myo Aung Thant. He then secured contacts, through Myo Aung Thant, with Khin Kyaw, Daw Suu Kyi's cousin Nge Ma Ma Than and her husband Myint Swe and Cho Aung Than who is Daw Suu Kyi's cousin and office staff. The network of the terrorist gang of the US government's cohort expatriate Sein Win who is resident in the US has then reached the University Avenue. The influence of the terrorist gang in Washington has thus penetrated into the University Avenue like a spider's web. With the arrangement of expatriate Sein Win in Washington, Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai sent the modern communications equipment, Sat-Phone to Myo Aung Thant who then had been able to make direct contact with Nyunt Wai in Bangkok. In his regular contacts with Nyunt Wai, Myo Aung Thant sent news about NLD activities and concocted reports critical of the State. Through contacts with Cho Aung Than, Myo Aung Thant managed to videotape Daw Suu Kyi in Kayin national dress and take photographs for a postcard. The destructionists and terrorist groups showed the video feature and distributed the postcards at the border to serve their political and organizational purpose. It has become obvious that Myo Aung Thant is a hard-core of the terrorist group who made direct contact with Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai in Bangkok and expatriate Sein Win in Washington, sent reports to them and accepted and carried out their instructions. Myo Aung Thant, in collusion with Daw Suu Kyi's cousin Nge Ma Ma Than and her husband Myint Swe, made arrangements for giving US $ 80,000 to Daw Suu Kyi and NLD Headquarters extended by NCGUB group in Washington and labour union in Bangkok. Upon asking whether the financial assistance would be accepted and whether an accounting of expenditures can be furnished, Daw Suu Kyi herself replied in writing stating "Can furnish accounts of expenditures, and the arrangements are acceptable". Following this reply, Myint Swe and wife Nge Ma Ma Than accepted $ 80,000 from American Philip Robertson. They transferred it to Cho Aung Than, cousin of Daw Suu Kyi, who was in charge of office functions, on 9 January 1997. Cho Aung Than handed the packet to Daw Suu Kyi the same day without opening it. Similarly, Soe Paing of NCGUB in Washington and Pyithit Nyunt Wai of Bangkok contacted Myo Aung Thant by sat-phone and told him that American John Vincent Osolnick Jr would send more money and other items to Daw Suu Kyi. Myo Aung Thant informed Myint Swe about the matter. Myint Swe accepted $ 5,200 from John V Osolnick. He exchanged the dollars to FECs twice and gave the money to Daw Suu Kyi through Cho Aung Than the same day. American Philip Robertson, an official of a labour foundation, was the representative of expatriate Sein Win in Washington and Pyithit Nyunt Wai of Bangkok. John V Osolnick arrived Yangon on 24 January 1997 and left on 26 January. The act of Daw Suu Kyi and NLD who covertly accepted the cash assistance from abroad turned them into the life of spies under the influence of external organizations. Their real life has emerged vividly. The expatriate Sein Win group in Washington contacted Daw Suu Kyi and the NLD headquarters on University Avenue with the expense under the foreign aid programme allocated under different headings by the American Government. In so doing, they used middle persons, relatives of Daw Suu Kyi, without making direct contacts. Whatever the plot was, the director of the play "From Washington to University Avenue" was the American Government with its secret organization. The producer was expatriate Sein Win. Starring in it were leader of the terrorist group Pyithit Nyunt Wai and Soe Paing of the NCGUB in Washington, Myo Aung Thant and his wife Khin Aye Aye Mar, Myint Swe and wife Nge Ma Ma Than, Cho Aung Than, Khin Kyaw and Aye Cho, together with Americans Philip Robertson and John V Osolnick. All the causes--taking the influence of colonialists, obtaining their assistance, having been related to the demolitionists and terrorists and contacting insurgents--led Daw Suu Kyi from "confrontation to defiance of authority", and from then to "the path of terrorism". All these facts cannot be denied, covered up or rejected as they were objective conditions based on evidence and witnesses of sound reason. They attempted to carry out a plot surrounded by these conditions. Pyithit Nyunt Wai contacted Myo Aung Thant by sat-phone on 30 May 1997 and instructed him to attend a meeting in Ranong on choosing targets for detonation and destruction and launching labour movement. Under this instruction, Myo Aung Thant and Khin Kyaw went to Ranong, Thailand, and had discussions with Pyithit Nyunt Wai, demolitionist Than Lwin and ABSDF representative Aye Maung in Room 513 of Jansumtara Hotel on 4 June 1997. Matters discussed were to instigate labour disturbances on 26 June 1997, to get Daw Suu Kyi and NLD clear from this instigation attempts and not to use the words "Daw Suu Kyi" and "NLD", to assassinate leaders of the State, to launch bomb attacks on the embassies of China and Indonesia in Yangon and to cut communication by snapping power and phone lines by explosions. Then, Than Lwin and Aye Maung gave manuals for handling explosives. Pyithit Nyunt Wai bought an electric cooker for keeping explosives in it. On 5 June 1997, Myo Aung Thant put in the bottom of the cooker eight C-3 slabs, 10 blasting caps or detonators, two boxes of acrylic lacquer, two boxes of aluminium powder, a five-foot-and-10-inch piece of fuse wire and a two-foot- and-one-inch piece of fuse wire, and arranged for sending it via Kawthoung to Yangon. Myo Aung Thant came back to Yangon by TG 303 flight on 13 June 1997 and was detained together with other persons involved in the case. Thus, the plot collaborated by expatriate Sein Win and NLD group was exposed in time. These are the basic facts and evidence extracted from the clarification given by Secretary-1 of the State Law and Order Restoration Council Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt on 27 June 1997. In the spider web play "From Washington to University Avenue", these facts and evidence have provided clear-cut shapes of the US Government, CIA, the expatriate group, the terrorist gang, some Americans, the NLD group and Daw Suu Kyi who obtained the colonialists' cash assistance. Summing up, it was only a piece of refuse senselessly drifting at the high tides of anarchistic insurgency. When the tides ebbed, Daw Suu Kyi was stranded on the sandbank of democracy and human rights. Today, she has come riding a raft of terrorism and is attempting to cross the Myanma political waters. But it is certain to foretell that she will perish after her raft has dashed against the consolidated rock of national politics. This is my prophecy that the play "From Washington to University Avenue" will end up in destruction, perishing and downfall. ********************* BURMA OFFICE: AUST. EDUCATION UNION SUPPORTS BOYCOTT August 7, 1997 From: BURMA OFFICE The following article is from 7 August 1997 publication of "THE NEWS" from Australian Education Union (AEU) -- Victorian Branch. ___________________________________________________ Burma boycott supported TONY DELANEY Executive Officer, AEU International Committee The AEU Branch Executive, at its meeting held 14/7/97, unanimously endorsed a resolution to support a consumer and travel boycott of Burma. The request to us for the boycott came from the Burma Office which operates from Sydney and is run by Burmese people living in exile in Australia. The purpose of the campaign is to continue to isolate the illegal and brutal military government in Burma from international trade opportunities. In April the US Clinton administration announced a ban on new US investment in Burma. The boycott campaign has as one of its objectives similar action being taken by other nations throughout the world. AEU members are asked to support the campaign through not travelling to Burma and to not deal in any way with the following companies that have investments or a presence in Burma. Qantas Jetset Tours Pacific Arc Exploration (gold) Kailis (MC) Holding PLC Australian Kimberley Diamond NL C & C Diesel Engineering & Consultants Ericsson Australia Richard Klinger Pty Ltd Tesla Helicopters Intrepid Travel Diversified Mineral Resources East West Diamond Products Peregrine Adventure Flight Centre Longreach Gold Oil Ltd Australian Mineral Resources Australian Civil & Structural Pty Ltd Heavilift Stefani Pure Water Australasia Seafood Traders Transmere Shipping World Care Travel Insurance Terrace Gold NL Hungerford Geographical Consultants PepsiCo has withdrawn its operations from Burma. The University of Wisconsin in May divested itself of Texaco stocks following a concerted campaign by students, local politicians and community leaders. Also in May the City of New York decided to cease all business with companies doing business in Burma. Members wishing to obtain more information about the campaign can contact the Burma Office on Telephone: (02) 9264 7694 or Fax (02) 9264 7693 ******************************************************* BKK POST: BRIDGE ONE LINK IN CHAIN SPANNING ASIA August 14, 1997 Supamart Kasem, Mae Sot, Tak It's been nearly 20 years since planners first envisioned a transportation network stretching from Afghanistan to Vietnam. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (Escap), then known as the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, launched an ambitious project in 1959, in conjunction with the Asian Highway Construction Project, to forge road links in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, China, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Vietnam and Thailand. The 65,000-kilometre Asian Highway stitches together all 15 nations' capitals, industrial and trading centres, ports and tourist spots. Measuring 698 km, Route A-1 begins in Mae Sot and follows Thailand's Highway 105 to Kampaeng Phet, Nakhon Sawan, Nakhon Nayok and Prachin Buri, and ends at the Cambodian border in Aranyaprathet. To connect A- 1 with Burma, the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge was initiated in 1976 by Tak MP Udon Tantisunthorn, a member of the Thai delegation to the Inter-Parhamentary Union Meeting in Madrid which foresaw a vast highway complex stringing together disparate nations. On September 27, 1986, Mr. Udon, serving as an adviser to then-foreign minister Siddhi Savetsila, formally proposed construction of the Friendship Bridge to the Prem Tinsulanonda government. The bridge earned approval from the Chatichai Choonhavan cabinet on August 1, 1989, and a construction committee was established, with then deputy foreign minister Prapas Limpabandhu as chairman and Mr. Udon, by now deputy agriculture minister, as deputy chairman. Thailand and Burma sealed an agreement on construction in Bangkok on October 11, 1989, under the signatures of Sub-Lt Prapas and Burmese ambassador U Nyunt Shwe. Mr. Udon and Burma's deputy construction minister, U Khin Maung Yin, signed a final pact in Rangoon just over a month later. With technical assistance from Escap and the Japanese government, the design was completed the following July. The cost was estimated at 200 million baht. Politics interfered, however. International aid to Burma was suspended after the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council refused to recognise the results of the May 1990 election, won easily by the National League for Democracy. Elected Tak MP under the Palang Dharma banner in September 1992 and appointed chairman of the House Committee on Economic Affairs, Mr. Udon set out to revive the bridge project. He had the Highways Department redesign the bridge to cut the cost to 79.2 million baht and proposed that Thailand fully fund it internally. On October 17, deputy foreign minister Surin Pitsuwan, chairing the construction panel, signed a final contract with Burma's deputy construction minister, Colonel Aung San. The foundation stone was ceremoniously set in place on October 20 by then transport minister Vinai Sompong and U Khin Maung Yin, who anticipated completion within 18 months. But on June 7, 1995, with the bridge more than 90 percent complete, Rangoon ordered the project suspended because of a border conflict. It accused Thailand of letting villagers fill in the Moei riverside in a bid to lay claim to midstream islets whose sovereignty had long been disputed. A full 21 months elapsed before Burma relented, this past March 7, to allow the project to continue once a new channel was dredged in the Moei. ******************************************************* ANNOUNCEMENT: FREE BURMA POSTER CONTEST August 14, 1997 From: "Aung Min" Dear friends, You already know about the Free Burma Conference at UCLA from October 4th to 6th. Conference organizing group is planning to produce new Free Burma logo and saying (motto) on T-shirt and flyers. If you are artistic spider or supporter, you are welcome to compete. The theme of this contest is open but it should be related to the purpose of this conference, which seeks to bring unity among different ethnicities of Burma and various Free Burma movements from various parts of the world into one global movement. Winner's logo and saying (motto) will be used on T's and flyers related to the conference. And winner will get free registration and guarantee housing for the conference. The deadline to send the posters in is August 31st. When you are sending your posters, please include name, address, phone numbers and email address. Please mail your stuff to: The Free Burma Coalition - Los Angeles P.O. Box 341196 Los Angeles, CA 90034 (310) 838-8721 (310) 450-5375 (310) 399-0703 (fax) *pls. call ahead to fax bfla@freeburma.org asmin@pacbell.net aliburma@ix.netcom.com ***********************************************