------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: August 18, 1997 Issue #799 Noted in Passing: It appears ... that Slorc and the Thai leaders do not share the same views and optimism over the "friendship" bridge. -- Yindee Lertcharoenchok (see THE NATION: ONE BRIDGE, TWO DIFFERENT VIEWS) HEADLINES: ========== SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A-0095( I/L ) BKK POST: BURMESE SKYJACKER TO BE HANDED OVER BKK POST: REBELS A HURDLE TO TRADE SUCCESS SCMP: REFUGEES IN LIMBO AS DEADLINE EXPIRES ORCHESTRA BURMA: SLORC'S VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS THE NATION: BRIDGE OPENED BUT STILL 'CLOSED' THE NATION: ONE BRIDGE, TWO DIFFERENT VIEWS BKK POST: STAGNATION IN BURMA? BKK POST: WHAT MEDIUM FOR THE MESSAGE? BKK POST: MON RANGERS TO BE GRANTED CITIZENSHIP DAILY YOMIURI: MARUBENI WIN MYANMAR GAS DEAL SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO.A-0094(I) ANNOUNCEMENT: RALLY AT ARCO -------------------------------------------------------------------------- SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A-0095( I/L ) From: OKKAR66127@AOL.COM August 17, 1997 Special Court Passed Sentence For Act Of High Treason And Association With Unlawful Organizations On the 15 Aug the Insein Special Court passed the following sentences to Myo Aung Thant, Cho Aung Than, Myint Swe and Nge Ma Ma Than. The activities and involvement of these persons were presented in the June 6th, press conference where Secretary-1 Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt gave a clarification of the "Terrorism Committed by Certain Organizations Operating Under The Guise of Democracy and Human Rights" (a) Myo Aung Thant- has been sentenced to Transportation for Life for committing High Treason, (3) years imprisonment for breaching the Unlawful Associations Act and another (7) years under the Emergency Provisions Act. (b) Cho Aung Than, Myint Swe and Nge Ma Ma Than - has been sentenced for (3) years imprisonment for breaching the Unlawful Associations Act and another (7) years under the Emergency Provisions Act. ******************************* BKK POST: BURMESE SKYJACKER TO BE HANDED OVER TO SLORC August 15, 1997 A Burmese skyjacker who was arrested and detained in Thailand several years ago is expected to be handed over to Slorc this month, according to a military source. In exchange some 100 Thai prisoners, mostly fishermen, will be returned, the source said. The handover of 28-year-old Ye Thi Ha, also known as San Naign, will occur sometime after today's opening of the friendship bridge linking Mae Sot and Myawaddy. Ye Thi Ha, along with another Burman, Ye Yint, were first arrested in Thailand on October 18, 1989. They had hijacked a Fokker-28, which was on a domestic flight between Mergui and Rangoon, to Utapao. They were released two years later. It was found that they had used washing powder to threaten passengers, claiming it was explosive. During the court case, the two were allowed to live at the home of Gen Thienchai Sirisamphan. Ye Yint later got a scholarship to further his education in the United States, where he has settled. Ye Thi Ha was rearrested in 1993 in possession of arms and ammunition. His prison term expires this month and Slorc has asked the Thai government for his repatriation. Representatives of Burmese students in Thailand are to appeal to the government for his release. They have also written to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. ************************************************ BKK POST: REBELS A HURDLE TO TRADE SUCCESS August 16, 1997 Nussara Sawatsawang Mae Sot, Tak Province Thailand to 'help' in settling insurgency Thailand will step up efforts to bring together the Burmese government and the Karen ethnic insurgents in order to promote Thai-Burmese cooperation along the newly-opened Friendship Bridge, a senior Thai military official said yesterday. "They [Burmese] may find it difficult to say when they will be able to totally suppress the Karen National Union, [but] we will try to get them to reach a negotiated settlement by coordinating contacts between them," Third Army Commander Lieutenant General Thanom Watcharaput said. Thailand would act along the lines of the role it played last year towards the surrender of Shan leader Khun Sa to the military government, he said, without elaborating. If this succeeded, Thailand would not have to shoulder the burden of sheltering refugees in Tak, now numbering about 90,000, he said. Lt. Gen Thanom attended yesterday's ceremonial opening of the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge across the Moei River which links Tak's Mae Sot with Myawaddy, in Burma. Ethnic insurgency and poor road conditions were among obstacles that dimmed prospects for bridge users, observers said. The Karen National Union, which remains active in the area, is the last ethnic minority yet to enter cease-fire talks with the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). Though Thailand and Burma effectively upgraded three temporary checkpoints to permanent ones yesterday, their nationals are not allowed to go beyond Mae Sot and Myawaddy towns because of security risks on the Burmese side. Burmese Construction Minister Major General Saw Tun said the problem would be tackled. Lt.-Gen Thanom quoted Burmese southeast commander Major General Ket Sein as saying Burmese authorities would upgrade the road from Myawaddy to the proposed deep seaport in Moulmein, as a priority. Sources said traders in Tak were asking permission from the Burmese government to develop a 350 km road from Kawkareik to Rangoon. Thais and Burmese welcomed the opening as an historical event to mark bilateral and regional cooperation. Deputy Prime Minister Korn Dabbaransi, who represented Thailand at the ceremony, said the bridge would encourage people-to-people contacts, trade flow and investment and a plan to build the Asian Highway linking South Asia and South-east Asia. *********************************************** SCMP: REFUGEES IN LIMBO AS DEADLINE EXPIRES August 15, 1997 Arshad Mahmud in Dhaka The deadline for repatriation expires today but the fate of nearly 28,000 Burmese refugees languishing in camps in Bangladesh is still uncertain. A Bangladesh Foreign Ministry official dealing with the repatriation said: "We're already in touch with the Burmese authorities to extend the deadline further and we hope they would agree to our request." He said although officials were hopeful of sending back 7,000 refugees already cleared by Rangoon, the fate of the other 21,000 remained uncertain. The refugees, locally known as Rohingyas, are part of the 250,000 Burmese who fled to Bangladesh from the bordering Arakan province in 1992 in the wake of a bloody crackdown by the Burmese military. Nearly 220,000 Rohingyas have already returned in the past five years, under an agreement between Dhaka and Rangoon. But complications arose last June when Rangoon showed reluctance to accept back nearly 20,000 refugees without any apparent reason. Some of the refugees have been on hunger strike since July 21 over attempts to forcibly repatriate them. Twenty-five have died. The refugees say they will not return to Burma until democracy is restored. The Bangladesh official said: "This is an absurd demand as we don't have any power to restore democracy there." The refugees' intransigence has put the authorities in a dilemma as, under an agreement signed with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, repatriation has to be voluntary and nobody can be sent back forcibly. To demonstrate their resolve, the refugees resorted to violence aimed at blocking repatriation of 400 Rohingyas from the two camps in Cox's Bazar last month. In the face of increasing defiance, the Bangladesh authorities were forced to postpone the programme indefinitely. Meanwhile, the UN has proposed to the Government to absorb the refugees into Bangladesh. But the Government has rejected the proposal, saying it is not possible to accommodate thousands of refugees in a country already severely over-populated. ***************************************** ORCHESTRA BURMA: SLORC'S VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS From: lokanat August 15, 1997 SLORC's is increasing human rights violations in Tha Hton, Nyaceng Lay Pin and Phe Pon, it was learnt. In July, SLORC soldiers, from 'Kha La Ya' 57 based in Shwe Kyin, set fire to the houses in two villages leaving villagers homeless. Also, about 100 people from nearby villages accused of having contact with insurgents were captured. Furthermore, that army forebade villagers from working on the farm. 'Thu Du Phaw', 'Moe Ga Low', 'Ta Khaer Hta' villagers were put inside the Khe La Ya 54 army compounds as detainees. They were interrogated and tortured by the soldiers. It was SLORC soldiers from 'Kha La Ya' 57 who destroyed all the farmyards found on their way to fight enemies, it was learnt. Mya win * Orchestra Burma * * http://www.freeburma.org/lokanat/index.htm * ************************************************ THE NATION: BRIDGE OPENED BUT STILL 'CLOSED' August 16, 1997 MAE SOT, TAK - Some 3,000 enthusiastic spectators attended the opening of the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge yesterday, but were disappointed when Burmese authorities refused to let them cross into Burma. Thai authorities were informed by their Burmese counterparts that the ruling junta had not yet authorised the use of the bridge, whose Bt79.2 million price tag was picked up solely by the Thai government. Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) was not yet prepared for the Thai public to enter the country at that point, the Thai side was told. The Burmese decision greatly disappointed a large number of Thais who had arrived hoping the auspicious occasion would allow them the chance for a brief glimpse of the Burmese town of Myawaddy. Local Thai security officers said Slorc was concerned that exiled political dissidents and Karen guerrillas might sneak into Burma along with the bona fide Thai visitors. According to Burmese officials, the bridge would be open for public use only when the 400-km road linking Myawaddy and Rangoon is completed. Thailand has offered to help improve the highway which is part of the trans-Asian Highway A1. Presiding over the ceremony yesterday was Deputy Prime Minister Korn Dabaransi and Burmese Construction Minister Maj Gen Saw Tun. The event was witnessed by Thai and Burmese deputy foreign ministers Pitak Intrawityanunt and U Nyunt Swe and a large flag-waving crowd of over 10,000 Thais and Burmese. During a luncheon, Saw Tun recalled how the bridge project had faced a number of problems and was even stalled for a long period. He thanked Thailand for funding the bridge and said it would help improve Thai-Burmese relations. Pitak said after the ceremony that after the inauguration, Thailand and Burma would cooperate to resolve problems along the 2,500-km border which had been dragging on for over 10 years, including territorial disputes. He said the Burmese side would allow the public to use the bridge when the Myawaddy-Rangoon road was ready. Korn, also industry minister, said Burma was now "open", as evidenced by its recent entry into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). The country was no longer isolated and the ceremony yesterday was concrete evidence that it had opened up, he added. The Mae Sot-Myawaddy bridge, which spans the Moei River, is 420 metres long and 13 metres wide. Its construction began with the foundation stonelaying ceremony on Oct 20, 1994, and was completed in June this year after a nearly two-year delay due to a bilateral territorial dispute. ************************************************** THE NATION: ONE BRIDGE, TWO DIFFERENT VIEWS August 15, 1997 Yindee Lertcharoenchok Will the opening of the Moei River bridge which spans the Thai-Burmese border bring economic benefits to people on both sides of the divide? The Nation's Yindee Lertcharoenchok finds out. As Thailand and Burma jointly inaugurate the Friendship Bridge across the Moei River today, they hope the structure will be strong enough to serve its prime objective of promoting lasting neighbourly friendliness. The new bridge will serve to link northern Thailand's Mae Sot district of Tak and the Burmese border town of Myawaddy. Although Thailand had intended to capitalise on today's celebration as a historic event for the two countries, Burma, on the other hand, was lukewarm in responding to the Thai proposal that the heads of the two governments be present on the occasion. Until last week, it was uncertain who would represent the Burmese military government at the half-day ceremony which will take place on the bridge. A Thai Foreign Ministry press statement dated two days ago did not name the Burmese leader who would par-take in the event along with Thai Deputy Prime Minister and Industry Minister Korn Dabaransi. Thailand was informed at the last minute that Minister for Construction Maj Gen Saw Tun had been delegated to attend. Thailand had initially proposed that Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who has strong personal connections with the Burmese junta, co-chair the event with Senior Gen Than Shwe, the chairman of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). The request from Thailand that another Slorc leader, Lt. Gen Khin Nyunt, be represented was also politely rejected. Citing ethnic insurgency and flooding, Slorc also turned down a Thai request in July that Deputy Foreign Minister Pitak Intrawityanunt lead a 400-km Thai caravan rally from Mae Sot via Myawaddy to Rangoon, right after the opening ceremony. Thai government officials are unable to explain what prompted Burma's decisions. It appears, however, that Slorc and the Thai leaders do not share the same views and optimism over the "friendship" bridge. The history of the Moei River bridge has not been a smooth one and relations between authorities on both sides of the waterway are often not pleasant. After several years of Thai persuasion Slorc and the Thai government eventually signed an agreement on Oct 17, 1994, to build the bridge, whose total cost of Bt79.2 million was to be wholly shouldered by Thailand. Its construction began three days after the signing and was expected to be completed in less that 10 months. For Thailand, the two-lane 420-metre bridge will serve to strengthen mutual friendship between the people of the two countries, to promote stronger bilateral economic engagement and activities, and lastly to complete a link of the trans-Asian Highway A-1 that facilitates overland travel between Europe and Asia. However, Thai investors and businessmen have higher hopes. They believe the bridge will instantly help boost the tourism industry and allow them easy access to potential Burmese markets and to Burma's abundant natural resources. They also consider Burma as an economic land bridge linking Thailand and South Asia. Although Burma shares Thailand's economic aspirations, Slorc views the benefits from the bridge in another light. For over three decades, the total elimination of ethnic insurgency along the Burmese frontiers has always topped other political and economic agendas of successive Burmese military governments. To them, the establishment of internal peace, security, and stability, where the central authority in Rangoon could assert full control over the strife-plagued border terrain, was more crucial than economic activity. The Moei River bridge will allow Slorc generals a good opportunity to curb the black-market economy which has been the main source of income for the Burmese insurgency and to replace it with a new regulated border regime and the controlled passage sage of goods and people between the two countries. Burma also expects to have an equal say and to share equal benefit with Thailand in any economic activities along the common frontier. But while most Thai officials are optimistic that the Moei River bridge will benefit Thailand and Burma in the long run, many remain skeptical over its potential benefits and worth. They have expressed concern that the structure will be a mere concrete symbol, much like the Bt750-million Thai-Lao Friendship Bridge across the Mekong River which was opened in April 1994. Laos still refuses to allow Thai vehicles into the country, citing conflicting regulations, lack of road infrastructure and logistical difficulties. Citing Burma's record of unpredictability, Thai officials are worried that Slorc might close the frontier and the bridge at will. For example, the construction of the Mae Sot-Myawaddy bridge was delayed for nearly two years after Slorc ordered an abrupt halt to its work in June 1995 following allegations of Thai encroachment on the riverbank. The suspension of the bridge project along with the abrupt closure of the three existing border crossings at Mae Sai-Tachilek, Mae Sot-Myawaddy and Ranong-Kawthaung in 1995 severely affected Thailand. The total value of cross-border trade dropped sharply from nearly Bt8 billion in 1994 to Bt5.5 billion in 1996. With the spiraling fall of both the Thai and Burmese currencies in the past few months, local Thai traders also doubt that bilateral trade volume will soon pick up. Although Thailand and Burma have already agreed to extend their sovereignty to the middle of the bridge, they have yet to negotiate and finalise an agreement on the crucial issues of jurisdiction and the free flow of goods and the extent of travel of their people and vehicles. As it looks now, the opening today of the Moei River bridge promises to be a symbolic but pompous occasion full of great expectations, which may or may not ever be fulfilled. ********************************************* BKK POST: STAGNATION IN BURMA? August 17, 1997 David I. Steinberg Confrontation: examining the political situation in Burma Reproduced From Trends: A Monthly Publication of The Institute Of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore "It is as if a large truck were rushing headlong into a small Volkswagen", as one anonymous observer in Rangoon recently described the political situation in Burma, comparing the ruling Slorc (State Law and Order Restoration Council) to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD). But is that confrontation inevitable and is it so one-sided? The NLD would not agree to that characterisation of its meagre strength, citing its overwhelming popularity in the 1990 election that Slorc ignored and continuing evidence of anti-military feeling, and in spite of the determined effort by the Slorc to whittle down its leadership and destroy its organisation. The Slorc might also demur, claiming it is simply upholding the laws that it has enacted. These views may not express the subtlety of the situation, but rather a polarisation of opinion reflecting internal institutional views that are incessantly externally promulgated. Stagnation may seem evident, but there are changes that are apparent beneath the stalemate of surface confrontation and beyond the rhetoric. Understanding reality may require more nuanced views. The Slorc seems at the moment to be in a position of enhanced power; it is most internally secure since its coup of Sept 18, 1988. The population at present seems disinclined to repeat the attempted revolution of 1988 that the coup repressed. Fifteen rebellions have ended through ceasefires that, however ephemeral they may eventually prove to be, have freed the military for broader deployment and control. The last major organised resistance, the oldest ethnic rebellion of the Karen, has had its major bases near the Thai border destroyed, and its leadership is talking through intermediaries with the Slorc about a ceasefire that some of its commanders, although not perhaps its top leadership, desire. The Slorc is reinforced by its admission into Asean, which may mean little at home but does carry some external weight. Although the sanctions on new investments imposed by the United States convey considerable moral force at least internally within the US, their economic effects on Burma will be minimal; even their moral influence is diminished by the selective imposition of such an action against Burma, only one of many repressive regimes in the world. But as one congressman, who believed sanctions would not be effective but who planned to vote for them, remarked, "It is difficult to vote in favour of the Slorc." The economy in much of the country is vibrant and has evidently grown in the past few years, but whether its apparent growth, albeit unevenly distributed, can be maintained without more basic reforms is questionable. The Slorc has not addressed the fundamental economic problems that virtually all foreign observers recognise as required if economic growth is to continue. These include a comprehensive devaluation of a currency over 30 times its official value, control of the money supply to inhibit an annual inflation of some 30 percent, rationalisation of inefficient public sector industries now put at even more risk by foreign competition, development of a competent and autonomous financial sector, and payment of public sector officials' salaries that will combat the cancer of corruption that is evident, ubiquitous, and even necessary for survival. The most difficult and basic task for any Burmese regime is freeing the economy from political influence without which economic rationality will not prevail. Chinese goods and influence are so apparent as to create concerns that should the Slorc falter economically it will be the Chinese, the most obvious of the newly rich, who will be the scapegoats for Slorc errors. Rumours are rife that drug money has been laundered into legitimate construction and other businesses. There are also rumours that the Slorc itself is divided and in danger of disintegrating into two factions reflecting the line military (led by General Maung Aye) and the support, specifically intelligence, wing (led by General Khin Nyunt). Veteran observers too describe the internal jealousies and rivalries, but comment that these two groups need each other and the Slorc needs both, so that overt splits that would threaten the stability of military rule at this juncture seem unlikely. The NLD may feel that it is becoming marginalised with restrictions on its activities and those of Aung San Suu Kyi. It walked out of, and then was expelled-from, the National Convention in 1995, that hand-picked body that was designed to do Slorc's bidding in writing a new, heavily scripted constitution. The NLD now seems to want to return because, even if the results are predetermined to ensure perpetual military control, it is at least a forum for internal discussion, if not public debate. The military has taken two interlocking steps that will, it believes ensure its control over the society into the future. It has, through the National Convention and based on an Indonesian model, sought to ensure the military's domination of the leadership and the administrative mechanisms of the state through a constitution in which it will play the legal, leading roles at all levels and in all branches of the government. It has, in tandem to writing a new constitution, created a mass base of support for the military and its policies through the formation and leadership of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), which now has over five million members. The pattern is reminiscent of the military's strategy in its Burma Socialist Programme Party incarnation in the early 1970s, when it expanded the party in preparation for the constitution of 1974. The USDA concentration on youth indicates the Slorc's intent for long-range control. Splits in the foreign community's reaction to the Slorc regime and recalcitrance in engaging in meaningful dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD are becoming more apparent as the SLORC consolidates its power. Entry into Asean puts the US at odds with that important body, as well as with China, Slorc's major military and moral supporter. Japan, which has been reluctant to break with the US on Burma in spite of strong internal pressures from its business community, has now expressed willingness to restart its most important foreign aid programme should the Slorc show even some modest (probably ineffective) signs of dialogue. Korea, with no such scruples, has a major economic role, with Daewoo Corporation being the most obvious of Korean conglomerates. The military's role in the economy is likely to remain- powerful through its Burma Holdings Corporation Ltd, a wholly owned military venture, as well as through its direct management of numerous factories far beyond the immediate needs of military procurement, and at a local level through USDA-owned businesses designed to provide support to those local branches of that ubiquitous organisation. Similarly, there may be a movement to a multi-party political system as the military forms a constitution at some indefinite date, even though elections do not a democracy make. Some very modest local autonomy given under the new constitution to a variety of ethnic groups, along a Chinese model, will not grant them national power or influence, but it may placate some local concerns as will some controlled electoral process. The US call for Slorc honouring the 1990 elections won by the NLD becomes more anachronistic over time. There is ferment, not stagnation, in Burma as events unfold. The Slorc at first may not have planned to remain in such an obvious position of power for so long, but it was evidently shocked by the 1990 election and anti-military attitudes, which it has been assiduously trying to change. It may continue in power until it feels its future (and that of the state in its terms) is assured. But the likely overall direction does indicate continuing military control in mufti and in uniform. The immediate future seems stable, but the longer-range problems remain unaddressed, let alone answered, and these will likely erode the enforced tranquillity of the present. **Dr David I. Steinberg is representative of the Asia Foundation in Korea. He was formerly a professor at Georgetown University, Washington DC, USA. He has long been a Burma watcher. *********************************************** BKK POST: WHAT MEDIUM FOR THE MESSAGE? August 17, 1997 David I. Steinberg Burma: Aung San Suu Kyi must speak to her own people through the Burmese cultural medium or see her internal legitimacy erode Reproduced from Trends: A Monthly Publication of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore To whom does Aung San Suu Kyi now speak? Her stand for democracy as the West understands it is clear, but her message in the cultural context may be more oriented to the foreign community than to the local people within Burma who have been denied by the authorities an opportunity to hear her or read her words. In the 11th century, a Burmese king from Pagan in central Burma captured King Manuha from the southern kingdom of Thaton, and transplanted him and many of his followers back to that central Burmese capital. The captive was placed in what we today would call house arrest. But in the monarchical tradition, he was allowed to build a Buddhist pagoda, as indeed all leaders have done up to the present, including U Nu, and Generals Ne Win and Than Shwe in contemporary times. To symbolise the psychic constraints to which he was subjected and the resultant emotional stress, he built a pagoda containing three massive Buddha figures. They were completely out of proportion to the space cramped and constrained by abutting walls that constricted their shoulders and a roof that pressed on their heads. This was an innovative, eloquent and politically acceptable means to protest his imprisonment and convey a timeless message. The pagoda still stands today in Pagan. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been under house arrest, and even after her release her movements and visitors have been restricted and screened. Her statements of political freedom now are only heard by the outside world since she no longer can speak to her gathered followers and the press is controlled. The Slorc is attempting to make her irrelevant internally. Each side seems to have become more intransigent, and her frustration seems to have become more strident. The Slorc attempts to portray her as a stooge of foreign "neocolonialism" and "hegemonism", both led by the United States. But in so far as her message is conveyed only to the outside world, her internal legitimacy may erode, and the Slorc's argument may have more local salience. To begin meaningful dialogue between the two sides is what realistically the world hopes for at this sorry state of play. To do this requires will on both sides, but whether there are such mutual sentiments is unclear. But in any case, the need for the opposition is to operate within the dominant culture of the country, and deal with the authorities on a common platform, even if the differences are immense. That platform is Burmese culture. Some 20 or more years ago, a cyclone hit the Arakan in Burma, killing many and making thousands homeless. U Nu, who had been released from prison by the military but was prevented from engaging in politics in a highly authoritarian state, made both a humanitarian and political statement. He walked silently through the streets of Rangoon raising funds, as would a mendicant monk, and his mute meritorious activities drew large, sympathetic crowds. It was a quintessential political statement in an appropriate cultural context. Perhaps it need not take building a pagoda to operate within the Burmese context, but then again it might. King Manuha's actions remind us how to speak through culture to politics. Aung San Suu Kyi must speak to her own people, drawing upon the traditions and resources of her own society. ************************************************ BKK POST: MON RANGERS TO BE GRANTED CITIZENSHIP August 17, 1997 Seven army-trained rangers of Mon origin are likely to be granted Thai citizenship as proposed by the Interior Ministry because of their good deeds for the country. The proposal, backed by the army and National Security Council, will be forwarded to the cabinet for approval on Tuesday. The seven-Songji Monyahong, Kumpa Hongsa, Dej Hongcharoen, Wichit Suwankosolwitya, Veera Salaklang, Viraj Puangdokmai and Wiwat Booncharoen-originally held Burmese nationality. They entered Thailand before March 19, 1976. ************************************************************ DAILY YOMIURI: MARUBENI WIN MYANMAR GAS DEAL August 14, 1997 Trading house Marubeni Corp. said Wednesday it and Kawasaki Heavy Industries Co. had won a Yen 7 billion order to boost power output in Myanmar. The contract was offered by the Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise, a Marubeni spokesman said. Fie said that upgrading the capacity of two gas combined cycle power generation systems would start by the end of the year. Marubeni said the orders were to raise the city of Ahlone and Hlawga power generation systems to 150 megawatts each from 90 MW. ************************** SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO.A-0094(I) August 16, 1997 From: KMTTO@aol.com (1) No 2 Mining Enterprise, local company agree on JV gold prospecting in Myitkyina No 2 Mining Enterprise of the Ministry of Mines and Sea-Sun-Star Co Ltd, formed with Kachin nationals, this morning signed an agreement to undertake joint-venture gold prospecting along the Ayeyawady in Mankhein region in Myitkyina Township. After the signing ceremony Minister Lt.Gen. Kyaw Min gave a speech. In his address, the Minister said the Ministry of Mines has laid down a principle on prospecting and mining of gold and copper deposits which entail foreign investments and advanced technology and also given permit to local entrepreneurs for small undertakings which need small inputs without high technology. The ministry, he said, has joint-venture metal production and exploration, finished gemstone production and pearl exploration and production in cooperation with foreign companies, which has amounted to 12. He cited three of the ministry's joint ventures with foreign companies - copper production with Myanmar Ivanhoe Co, lead, zinc and silver exploration with Mandalay Mining Co and pearl exploration and production with Tasaki Co of Japan. He noted that targets have been met in the three JVs and said there are also other JVs under contracts and in operations with other foreign firms. He revealed that concentrated copper will be produced at 25,000 metric tons per year beginning April 1988. Geological Survey and Mineral Exploration Department is also undertaking gold, copper, lead zinc and platinum prospecting jointly with foreign firms with the first-batch designation of 16 work blocks and second-batch 11 blocks, he said with a remark that the first-batch blocks are promising and endeavours are being made for success of these work blocks so that they will appear as a giant mine in future. For the third batch, proposals have been sent to foreign firms wishing to prospect and survey gold, copper, lead, zinc, nickel and chromite, he said. He called on the two sides to strive allout as this agreement was the second permit for joint-venture operations with local entrepreneurs and said the ministry would provide guidance and assistance as necessary. He stressed correctness and accuracy in the methods of operations as large inputs have to be made in mining which is risky and cited important points in the process - minimization of wastage, standardization of concentration methods, avoidance of causing impacts on natural environment and adherence to the Mining and Forestry Laws. He reminded the local entrepreneurs of the danger of using cyanide and mercury and said private entrepreneurs are not allowed to use cyanide. (2) Medicine, medical equipment for Social Associations The Maymyo Expatriates Association of London donated medicine and medical equipment for Social Association at the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development on 15 August. The Ministry then presented medicine and medical equipment to representatives of Jivitadana Sangha Hospital, Nazaret Dispensary, Muslin Free Hospital, Fran ciscan Missionaries of Mary and Parihita Tiger School. (3) MMCWA officials meet members of Khayan and Thongwa Township Chairperson of Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association, Vice-Chairperson and member of the Central Executive Committee of the Association met members of Khayan and Thongwa Township MCWAs at the meeting hall of Khayan Township. The chairperson of MMCWA presented cash, medicines and clothes for Khayan Township flood relief. Then handed medicines and educative pamphlets for Khayan and Thongwa Township MCWAs to respective township chairpersons. Patron of Yangon Division Maternal and Child Welfare Supervisory Committee handed cash to Patron of Khayan Township MCWA. Later on they proceeded to the office of Khayan Township MCWA, where they inspected sewing business undertaken by the association. (4) Shwe Minn Tha Co opens new office Shwe Minn Tha Enterprises Co. Ltd. and Shwe Minn Tha General Enterprise and General Trading Coop Society Ltd. opened its new office at 291, 40th Street (Upper Block), Kyauktada Township, on 13 August. In addition to general services, the company is publishing Panorama, a monthly economic and cultural magazine, and Myanmar Chronicle quarterly handbook in cooperation with the Printing and Publishing Enterprise of the Ministry of Information. Office calls in Yangon on 15 August (A) Minister for Forestry Lt.Gen. Chit Swe received a delegation of PT Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada of Indonesia led by Chief Executive Officer Mr. Bamang Soeroso at the International Business Centre. (B)Minister for Hotels and Tourism Lt.Gen. Kyaw Ba received a delegation led by Chairman of Myanmar Basin Island Resort Co Ltd Maj.Gen. Dong Zhao Liang at his office. **************************** ANNOUNCEMENT: RALLY AT ARCO August 15, 1997 From: "Aung Min" Come to protest ARCO Corporation's continued support of Burma's brutal military regime, SLORC. Join us this Wednesday, August 20th at 11am, at ARCO Headquarters - 515 S. Flower (at the corner of 5th and Flower) in downtown Los Angeles. We have been doing weekly demonstrations in front of ARCO headquarters for four weeks. Especially given recent reports that ARCO may be looking for a buyer of its project in Burma, it is even more important that we continue to increase pressure. We have leaflets, banners and signs. Bring yourselves and drums, if you have them. Please forward this message to anyone you think might be interested. If you have any questions. Please call Kevin at (310)399-0703. ************************************************************