------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: September 16, 1997 Issue #821 HEADLINES: ========== THE NATION: NLD'S MASS MEETING' CERTAIN TO ANGER SLORC ABSDF: MONKS RECEIVE ANONYMOUS ANTI-MUSLIM LETTERS THE NATION: HEAVY LOSS OF LIFE REPORTED IN FLOODING BORDER SOURCE: SITUATION UPDATE- REFUGEES ARRIVING ASIAWEEK: LAWYERS SEE A FINAL VICTORY SYDNEY MORNING HERALD: AUSTRALIAN PUSH FOR DIALOGUE THE NATION: FROM SLORC CRITIC TO APOLOGIST BKK POST: FIRMS READY TO FINANCE ROAD PROJECT THE NATION: TALKS CONTINUE TO FREE 36 THAIS HELD IN BURMA SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: EXPERT QUESTIONS APPROACH ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CONFERENCE UPDATE -------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE NATION: NLD'S MASS MEETING' CERTAIN TO ANGER SLORC September 13, 1997 AFP RANGOON - The party of Burmese pro-democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi plans to hold a two-day "mass meeting" at her residential compound here later this month to mark its ninth anniversary, party sources said yesterday. The chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Aung Shwe, has sent instructions to all NLD district organisers and executives across Burma to attend the meeting, slated for Sept 27 and 28, they said. The NLD attempted to stage a party congress at the same time last year, but military authorities effectively barred the meeting and detained over 500 party supporters. The ruling junta has not allowed the NLD to stage a major political meeting since and imposes severe restrictions on access to Suu Kyi's lakeside home in the Burmese capital. Aung Shwe has instructed party officials to arrive in Rangoon by Sept 25 at the latest and report to the NLD headquarters located about two kilometres from Suu Kyi's compound. Observers said that the NLD effort to hold what the party sources described as a 'mass meeting' would be certain to provoke a reaction from the military regime. The party was stopped from holding an election-anniversary congress in May this year, when hundreds of activists were warned to stay at home or turned back when they arrived in Rangoon. The NLD was formed shortly after the ruling junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) took power and announced it would hold multi-party elections. Suu Kyi's party swept subsequent polls held in 1990, taking over 80 per cent of the seats, but the Slorc has never recognised the result. The military held the NLD leader under house arrest for six years until releasing her in July 1995. The party successfully staged a congress in May 1996 to mark the poll victory. Some 260 NLD supporters including elected MPs were detained on that occasion, as the party discussed framing a new constitution - challenging the junta's own long-running national convention to frame a charter. ************************************************* ABSDF: MONKS RECEIVE ANONYMOUS ANTI-MUSLIM LETTERS September 15, 1997 From: dawn@cm-sun.cm.ksc.co.th Buddhist monks receive the anonymous letters bearing complaint Since the last week of August, 1997, an anonymous sender has been distributing letters, by mail, to monasteries all over Burma. The letter exhorts monks to defend the Buddhist religion against destruction by the Muslims. The letter suggests that the role of monks is to organise and lead the Burmese citizens and attack Muslims. The Buddhist monks believe the anti-Muslim letters were sent by SLORC to create new anti-Muslim riots. The monks have appealed for a rejection of the letters, to avoid supporting the SLORC in achieving their objectives, according to tradesmen who arrived in Mae Hong Son from Burma. Not only are the people worrying about the rice prices in the coming year, since most paddy fields in Burma are flooded, but also the SLORC is sowing dissent. The SLORC didn't issue specific data on the damaged paddy fields, people, houses. They have often tried to stir up religious and racial tensions in Burma in order to divert the public attention from other political and economic concerns. The tradesmen and monks remarked that furthermore, the SLORC may attempt to provoke anti-Muslim riots in Burma during Id-day(a religious day of the Muslim) in the near future. (The names of tradesmen and monks are not included for their security) ************************************************* THE NATION: HEAVY LOSS OF LIFE REPORTED IN FLOODING September 15, 1997 RANGOON, AFP --A UN disaster management team has reported serious flooding in across Burma leading to heavy damage and loss of life, a Japanese embassy statement said yesterday. "Unusually heavy rainfalls in the last week of July 1997 have caused flash floods and high floodings in many parts of the country, particularly in Mon State and the Pago and Irrawaddy Divisions," the statement cited a UN report as saying. Low-lying areas in Pago and Irrawaddy, with Rangoon, provide the bulk of Burma's rice for its 47 million population. "This has resulted in substantial damage and loss of life. The total number of persons affected [in the three area] were 103,650 persons from 20,451 households," the UN disaster management team report said. There have also been independent reports by travellers of dead bodies, humans and animals, seen floating downriver from the affected areas. Unconfirmed reports cited government immigration department sources as saying in Mon State, in the southeast, that more than 200 people died after the Mon River burst its banks. Local military commanders who control access to the area have kept silent about the damage and casualties. At least three villages have been swept away on the banks of the Mon, some 25 km from the village of Kambauk, where international oil companies have a construction base camp. Appeals have gone out to oil companies based around Kambauk, building a pipeline between the Thai border and offshore natural gas fields, to assist with logistics and supplies, a Texaco source said yesterday. Texaco has given rice and helped the Burmese Red Cross in distributing relief aid, bypassing local military commanders, with helicopters normally used to access offshore rigs, the source said. The Germany embassy said on Friday it would hand over 20,000 marks (396,000 baht) to the UN Development Programme for relief. The Japanese statement said it would give $50,000 in cash and relief supplies worth $100,000. "The government of Japan decided to extend this assistance in view of the scale of the damages caused and out of sympathy for the sufferings of the people affected by the disaster,' the embassy said. Burma and Japan has emphasised that the donations were humanitarian. Japan suspended bilateral aid to Burma after the 1988 military take-over by the State Law and Order Restoration Council, which celebrates its ninth anniversary on September 18. The devastation of Burma's low-lying areas during July and August, which left thousands homeless and huge areas of paddy field, has received scant attention in the official press. On the east side of the Mon River where- the military has only in the last few years established its authority road, rail and communication lines have been cut due to landslides and damage to bridges. The Texaco source had no information about the responses of other companies working in the troubled area. They include Total of France, Unocal of the United States, Britain's Premier and Nippon Oil of Japan. ************************************************** BORDER SOURCE: SITUATION UPDATE- REFUGEES ARRIVING AT KANCHANABURI, RATCHABURI AND PROVINCES TO THE SOUTH September 16, 1997 KANCHANABURI PROVINCE Ban Don Yang The population of this camp near Sangklaburi has remained unchanged at 1,462 people. Since the exodus of the Tavoyan group the population is predominantly Karen. On the other side of the border in Burma, behind the Mon resettlement site at Halochanee, remains a group of displaced Karen at the place known as Htee Wah Doh. This group is increasingly a cause for concern, the population is said to be around 2,300 and their security is precarious. For the Mon also there is cause for concern since their presence could create problems in their cease-fire arrangement with SLORC. The SLORC are aware that the Htee Wah Doh group receives assistance that passes through their cease-fire area. The health of the group is said to have improved since the last report. They do not have permission to enter Don Yang camp. An estimated 300 internally displaced people are starting to move from locations across the border towards the Thai borderline. Some 30 have already arrived and the rest are following. They come from Hla Mu Htaw, Maw Tha Kwa, and Seiku (in the vicinity of Mytta). The reason for this migration is that the villagers feel unable to stay in the area where SLORC troops are building a car road from Paw Taw to Htoo Ler. Villagers report having to contribute labour and numerous fees for the road. Many are simply unable to tolerate this any more and have started to move toward the border. They are expected to appear near Nya Pla Kee, as this is one of the few points along the northern border free of SLORC troops and yet also a path to the border. It is not known if they will receive permission from the Thai authorities to cross the borderline and receive assistance. On August 14 six villagers were killed by SLORC troops at Seiku village. [Nya Pla Kee is located east of Kwe Waw Wah at the head of a small stream.] RATCHABURI PROVINCE Tham Hin The population of the camp is 7,547 at present. However, another 150 people are due to arrive from the site further south known as Huay Satu. This group was given the option to move to another site by 9th Division authorities in the area. As reported previously, the bulk of the population, the able-bodied members, had already been asked to move back to the Burma-side of the border some time ago. The remaining refugees are those considered to be of special concern - the old, sick, and some women and children. The move is expected today [16.9.97]. The already over-crowded camp at Htam Hin will have to accommodate even more refugees. The other group of displaced people at the border in this area, those at Meh Pya Kee, mentioned in the last update, have now largely dispersed back across the border after being refused entry to Htam Hin by the 9th Division. There is now a considerable population of internally displaced people at Meh Pya Po Kee and Meh Pya Pa Doh Kee (located immediately behind the old Bo Wi site). Denied asylum by the Thai authorities, they are being cared for by the KNU, to the best of their ability. Their position at the border is not stable and they need to be put into a stable camp environment where they can be cared for properly. PRACHUAB KHIRI KHAN PROVINCE Huay Satu As reported above, the refugees remaining on the Thai-side of the border in this province will be moved north to join Htam Hin camp [16.9.97]. An estimated 1,400 displaced people remain on the Burma-side of the border, still denied access to assistance CHUMPHON PROVINCE No update information ***************************************** ASIAWEEK: LAWYERS SEE A FINAL VICTORY September 19, 1997 Activist lawyers in the U.S. are digging in for the long haul. One of the attorneys involved in the two American lawsuits against Unocal, the U.S. company building the controversial pipeline through Myanmar into Thailand, says her clients have a good chance of beating the company. "And if we don't win this time, someone is sure to win eventually." Unocal denies that it uses forced labor, or violates worker's rights. It is working with Total, the French firm, and the Myanmar government on the $ 1.2 billion project. Legal activists plan to bring more such cases. Already underway is a suit against Royal Dutch Petroleum for its activities in Nigeria. The lawyers say their initial suits will establish the limits of the 1789 Alien Tort Claims Act they say set responsibilities for U.S. corporate behavior overseas. ************************************* SYDNEY MORNING HERALD: AUSTRALIAN PUSH FOR DIALOGUE APPLAUDED September 15, 1997 Mark Baker Burma's embattled democracy movement has applauded moves by the Australian Government to open a high-level dialogue with the country's military rulers in an attempt to break the stalemate on political reform. A special envoy of the Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, left Rangoon yesterday after a series of talks with leaders of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), including the powerful Secretary One, Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt. The envoy, Mr John Dauth, the head of the South-East Asia division in the Department of Foreign Affairs, is the most senior Australian official to visit Burma since the army crushed a pro-democracy uprising in 1988 and imposed harsh military rule. Mr Dauth pressed the regime to lift restrictions on the democracy leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi - who remains under effective house arrest - and to open negotiations with her National League for Democracy (NLD). "He told them we'd like to see greater political movement and engagement with the NLD on reform - that's the bottom line," a senior Australian official said. In a potentially controversial move, designed not to antagonise the SLORC, the Government instructed Mr Dauth not to seek a meeting with Ms Suu Kyi during his five days in Rangoon. But a vice-chairman of the NLD, Mr Tin Oo, said yesterday that Ms Suu Kyi understood the decision and welcomed Australia's attempt to break the political deadlock. "We fully realise and understand that the Australian Government is on our side and working for the interests of the Burmese people," he told the Herald from Rangoon. The Australian Ambassador to Burma, Ms Lyndall McLean, met Ms Suu Kyi last week and advised her of the Government's decision to adopt a "new approach" in its dealings with the regime. Mr Tin Oo said: "They didn't want to make any hitch in the talks with the SLORC and we understand that. This is an experimental approach by the Australian Government. They know our position already, so it's more important for them to talk to the SLORC now." Two months ago, Mr Downer ordered a review of Australia's policy on Burma, under which all direct aid and defence cooperation is frozen, and new investments are neither encouraged nor discouraged. Australian officials said that while the Federal Government remained deeply concerned about the continuing repression in Burma, it wanted to try to encourage reform by reopening contacts with the leadership. As part of the new approach, Mr Dauth flew yesterday to Japan to brief Foreign Ministry officials on his talks with the SLORC, which included several senior economic ministers. There are concerns that Japan is under domestic pressure to break ranks with the United States, the European Union and other Western governments, including Australia, to resume direct aid to Burma. ***************************************** THE NATION: FROM SLORC CRITIC TO APOLOGIST September 15, 1997 Walden Bello Betrayal, horse-trading, wheeling and dealing - that's all part of Asean politics. Walden Bello has the inside story on how the Philippines switched its position on Slorc at the crucial Asean meetings to determine Burma's membership. The Philippines' change of heart began with the special meeting of Asean foreign ministers in Kuala Lumpur on May 31. At that meeting, the Philippines joined Thailand in questioning the admission of Cambodia and Burma. The two countries aired their doubts about the ability of the Cambodian government and the Burmese State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) to "implement the 19 Asean treaties and agreements" in light of their continuing political crises. Indonesia, however was adamant about bringing in Cambodia and Burma, along with Laos, in July. Finally Thailand and the Philippines withdrew their reservation. It was, however a reluctant gesture. The Philippine government's discomfort with Slorc stemmed partly from the residual influence of the 1987 constitution's enshrinement of promotion of human rights and democracy as a cornerstone of the country's foreign policy. It was also partly a product of years of intense lobbying of Philippine officials by pro-democracy forces in Burma and human rights groups in Asia. Because of Asean's consensus policy, a stand on principle by the Philippines could have blocked Burma's membership. But given the pressure exerted by Asean's authoritarian majority, Siazon's retreat, albeit inexcusable, was at least understandable. What was not understandable, not excusable - and to many observers very strange - was the way that the Philippines subsequently about-turned and became a vociferous backer of Burma in the weeks leading up to the Asean annual meeting in late July. During this critical period, Asean face the task of legitimising the controversial decision of admitting Burma in the eyes of the world. This was especially urgent since the Asean governments would meet with their dialogue partners in the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) in Kuala Lumpur immediately after the Asean ministerial conference that would admit Burma, and many of these countries are Slorc's severest critics. A probe into the backstage of politics by analysts with access to Asean's inner circles revealed a sorry tale of realpolitik and ambition riding roughshod over the principles of democracy and human rights that are supposed to guide the foreign policy of a government that claims to be East Asia's most vibrant democracy. Among other things, it disclosed the hand of Indonesia in the formulation of the Philippines' Asean policy. Suharto factor In the last few years, Indonesian President Suharto, the longest reigning chief executive in Asean, made Burma's admission to Asean a personal crusade, and he underlined this with a visit to Burma in February, where he gave Slorc an assurance of membership with no strings attached. Suharto hated people linking Burma's admission with the 1990 elections, which were won by Aung Sang Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) but the result was not respected by the military junta. Indeed, he was not even comfortable with Asean's declared policy of "constructive engagement". The Indonesian dictator saw that accommodating Asean's human rights critics on Burma could set Asean on the path of ultimately having a say on Indonesia's domestic governance and its controversial annexation of East Timor. The Burma issue thus became a proxy for the smoldering struggle between authoritarianism and democracy as the principles of governance in Asean. By aggressively pushing the Asean "principle" of strict non-intervention in domestic affairs, the Suharto regime was deepening the trenches for the defence of its own authoritarian rule in Indonesia. >From the Indonesians' perspective, bringing in Burma was also critical from another angle - it would strengthen the authoritarian pole in the balance of power within Asean. It would serve to neutralise the formal democratic regimes - the Philippines and Thailand - and prevent them from following foreign policies that would be more sympathetic to democratic forces on the ground, which in Suharto's paranoid view were lending material and ideological aid to the rising opposition in Indonesia. Indonesia, however, faced a problem in the aftermath of the May 31 decision to bring Burma into the Asean fold. Being strongly authoritarian, it did not have the moral weight to be the prime mover in the campaign to legitimise Burma's Asean membership. Here is where the Philippines became useful. What could be a better counter to the "propaganda" of the West than have the Philippines, a democratic country, act as Burma's official sponsor and loudest backer? In this calculation, Asean insiders say the hand of Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas was evident, for he is, among Asean's foreign ministers, smooth and savvy when it comes to dealing with the media and international public opinion. Slorc official sponsor To sandbag the Filipinos into acting as Slorc's official sponsor, the Indonesians, according to Asean insiders, pressed a number of buttons. They appealed to the Filipinos' utang na loob, or debt-of-gratitude, for brokering the deal that settled the Mindanao conflict. Alatas also made it clear to the Filipinos that, as Asean's most influential member, Indonesia would be decisive in determining who the grouping's next secretary-general would be. For months, President Fidel Ramos had been lobbying the various governments to secure that post for Rodolfo Severino, a widely respected and outstanding Filipino diplomat. But there was one problem: the current officeholder, Malaysia's Ajit Singh, was running for a second five-year term, and he could count on the support of a number of Asean governments. Malaysia's desire to retain the post stemmed from the restructuring of the Asean secretariat carried out in 1992, which made the secretary-general a much stronger executive with the power to implement decisions, take initiatives and proactively offer advice to members. Singh was the first Asean secretary-general who had been accorded the position and power of a minister, and Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad was known to favour his continuing in the post because it allowed Malaysia "more say and clout" in Asean matters. A number of member countries, however, were reluctant to support Singh for fear of the precedent this would set, since no one had yet served two consecutive terms. The emerging camps on the issue appeared to be evenly matched, and it was at this point that the Indonesians told Manila they were open to supporting Severino against Singh but on certain conditions, including a more active and high-profile role in supporting the entry into Asean of their protégé, Slorc. The Philippine-led propaganda bandwagon, however, had an obstacle that could have potentially derailed Burma's admission two days after Maung's visit - the Hun Sen coup in Cambodian on July 6. Clearly, there was no way Cambodia could be admitted, and since Asean had earlier resolved that Cambodia, Laos, and Burma would come in -simultaneously, many quarters in Asean voiced support for deferring the membership of Burma and Laos as well. "Asean now has a way of circumventing the pressure over Burma," said Abdul Razak Baginda, head of the quasi-government Malaysia Strategic Research Centre, reflecting the sentiment in many Asean circles that bringing in Burma was costing Asean greatly in terms of international credibility. The opportunity to postpone Burma's membership came during the critical July 10 emergency meeting of Asean foreign ministers in Kuala Lumpur. Singapore and Thailand, according to insider sources, were leaning toward deferring Burmese membership until December, but their decision hinged greatly on Manila's position. However, under Alatas' watchful eye, Foreign Affairs Secretary Siazon not only failed to make an issue about going back on the "simultaneous entry policy" but lobbied instead for admitting Slorc and Laos while deferring Cambodia's membership. Myanmar, not Burma It was left to Siazon to complete the transformation of the Philippine government's position from being a reluctant and passive player to Slorc's most rabid apologist. This occurred in Kuala Lumpur on July 29, the last day of the Asean Regional Forum meeting. At an early morning joint press conference on bilateral issues featuring Siazon and Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer, what was expected to be a sedate affair exploded when Siazon, without warning, lashed out at those in the room, including Downer, who had been using the term Burma instead of Myanmar. "I don't know why people keep calling it [Burma] by a name which it's not supposed to be called," Siazon fumed. "When people ask for cooperation with another country and you call their country by another name, it may not feel that it's the country that's being addressed. So you are talking to the wall. "I think it's just appropriate that you call a country by its rightful name whether you like it or not." Questioned later by journalists, Siazon defend his angry words by saying that "Ohn Gyaw [Slorc's foreign minister] explained that it was called Burma because the British could not pronounced Myanmar right. Myanmar is what is listed here [Asean] and in the UN, but people keep insisting on calling them Burma. It's patronising." One effect that Siazon's outburst did have was to get his Australian counterpart Downer to use "Burma/Myanmar" during the rest of the press conference. Said one journalist covering the event: "It [Siazon's outburst] was uncalled for. He was coming way out front to take the flak for Slorc - far more than Badawi [Malaysia's foreign minister]." Siazon's role as apologist for Slorc on July 29 is understandable in light of an earlier event which took place at the close of the Asean ministerial meeting proper - the polling for Asean's next secretary-general. The official Asean story was, of course, that the result was a product of "consensus", but insider sources revealed a more complex and tense affair, in which the Filipinos were kept hanging in suspense till the end. At this highly restricted session, Indonesia's Alatas was delegated by the Asean ministers to sound out each country's representative. It came down to four ministers - Brunei, Malaysia, Laos and Burma - choosing Singh, and four supporting Severino - Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam. It was at that point that Alatas, who, as poll-taker, was last to reveal his choice, broke the stalemate by declaring for Severino. The Philippines government had at last garnered the prized position. But in the process it lost what remained of the "democratic principle" of its foreign policy. WALDEN BELLO is professor of sociology and public administration at the University of the Philippines and co-director of Focus on the Global South at the Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute. ********************************************** BKK POST: FIRMS READY TO FINANCE ROAD PROJECT September 15, 1997 Supamart Kasem TAK --The Thai private sector is ready to fund the expansion of a highway from Myawaddy to Rangoon to boost the transport of cargo between Thailand's Tak province, via the Thai-Burmese friendship bridge, and the Burmese capital.' PM's Office Minister Veerakorn Kamprakob said, during a discussion on Thai-Burmese trade through the Mae Sot district of Tak, that private firms were ready to raise the funds and seek a loan from the Export-Import Bank of Thailand to widen the highway. The route has a 66-km section across mountainous terrain and this section is only three metres wide - too narrow for two-way traffic. Mr Veerakorn said only about 100 million baht would need to be spent on the expansion which would take about 10 months to complete. He will discuss the issue with Burmese Commerce Minister Tun Kyi and Hotel and Tourism Minister Kyaw Ba on Friday. The Tak Chamber of Commerce is also working with Burmese authorities on a longer term project to build a short cut between Myawaddy and Rangoon at a cost of 300 million baht. This route, which could be built in three years, will also boost Thailand- Burma traffic across the friendship bridge, which crosses the Moei river. ********************************************** THE NATION: TALKS CONTINUE TO FREE 36 THAIS HELD IN BURMA September 13, 1997 The Nation THE Army is continuing efforts to secure the freedom of 36 Thais who have been arrested and detained in Burma for four months for allegedly poaching and illegal entry, an informed source from the Naresuan Task Force said yesterday. The Thais were apprehended in Burma opposite Chiang Mai's Chiang Dao district in June. They are local villagers from Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai and Phrae provinces. An unconfirmed report stated that Burma has demanded Bt20 million for the release of the group. The same source said his task force staff had already contacted Burmese officials in Saad town in order to obtain information on the arrests and the condition of the Thais detained in jail. The Army's help in securing the freedom of the group came after Thai loggers who hired them to cut logs inside Burma were unable to fulfill the conditions of their negotiations with Burmese officials for the release of the group, the source said. "Actually, we cannot request Burma to reduce the penalties or immediately release the Thais as we have to abide by Burmese laws. "What we could do, though, is coordinate with the Burmese and find out how they are going to deal with the detainees and how much in terms of fines they will have to pay so that we can tell their relatives," the source said. Meanwhile, Pol Lt Col Wallop Chansaengsri, chief of police of Phrae's Sung Men district, said relatives of the detained Thais from the district received a threat from some logging companies. "We have already provided protection for the relatives. The logging companies are angry that they sought help from police and soldiers for their release instead of letting them negotiate with Burma. "Another reason for the threats is that the companies are illegally logging in Burma, and therefore they fear they will face legal action if the authorities learn of their activities," he said. The Task Force source said, "There is only one Thai logging company which was granted a licence to do business in Burma. Other companies that engage in the same business, including those negotiating with Burma, are illegally cutting Burmese logs." ************************************************* SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: EXPERT QUESTIONS APPROACH TO REGIME September 15, 1997 William Barnes Whenever Western nations hold a party these days, "except Burma" is almost invariably written on the invitations. This makes the hosts feel better about their "moral" foreign policy, but is it the right one? One of Britain's leading experts on Burma, Martin Smith, argues that the haste to fence off a military regime may be understandable, but is based on a fundamental misunderstanding. British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook raised the hair-trigger hackles of Malaysia's Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohammad, this month by stressing that Burma - which became an eager member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in July - would not be on the guest list for the annual Asia-Europe Meeting next year. Mr Cook said the Burmese junta's unbending hostility ruled out any chance the European Union might lift its visa ban in time for the summit. He made it clear this was fine by the new British Government when he also accused the regime of "conniving" with drug barons. "The failure of the regime in Burma to address this issue, indeed their apparent willingness to abet and profit from the drugs trade, deserves the strongest condemnation," he said. Proof indeed that 35 years after the military seized power, the West has finally discovered that Burma has become a useful whipping boy for governments trying to pursue an "ethical" foreign policy - such as Britain's New Labour. But is this going to change the nature of Burma's widely reviled regime? "Not really, no. The world has woken up to the tragedy of Burma rather late. But how do you deal with a country which is so isolated by isolating it more?" asked Mr Smith. "I think this is something European and American governments haven't quite understood. You can condemn a government, but if you want governments to change you've got to talk." The junta's opponents in the West will argue that talking has not worked. For example, within days of joining ASEAN, it engaged in another bloody campaign against a rebel minority. Nevertheless, there has been "too much megaphone diplomacy", said Mr Smith. "Burma is so isolated . . . It's become its own world, with its own values and judgments. Often it doesn't realise that in the rest of the world things aren't done like this any more." Malaysia's ASEAN partners have made it clear there is no chance of them boycotting the Asia-Europe summit. Mr Smith said ASEAN's arguments that dealing with Burma would help loosen it up were "rational", but probably not enough. "Nobody really has the answer. I suspect you need a bit of both [carrot and stick]," he said. "What I am pretty sure of is that simply slamming the door on Burma won't do much good . . . After all, that is how the generals in Rangoon expect foreigners to behave." *************************************** ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CONFERENCE UPDATE September 15, 1997 From: Ali Ahmed REMINDER: If you are planning to come to the Conference (Oct.4-6), please register at a FBC website at http://wicip.org/fbc/ . Digest Group. Hi Burma activists! Here are a few updates on the Conference. As far as the situation for housing is concerned, we have 115 spaces reserved for a youth hostel for $9 a night. We are working hard to get donations so we may lower the costs of housing. Most likely, this price will drop, but for now, plan for the amount your staying, just in case. Also, for our convenience and yours, PLEASE ARRIVE ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3rd. Here are the advantages: 1) The FBC staff will be able to pick you up from the airport. If you've never been to LAX, you'll be glad we're doing this. 2) Housing will be assured. 3) Registration will be done. 4) Conference will be starting early on Saturday, so you will be on time with no need to register. If you arrive on Saturday, October 4th, please note: 1) the conference is starting very early, and the keynote speaker will begin at 11:00 am, so you will miss much of the conference. 2) the FBC staff will be busy attending to the conference needs, so we will not be able to provide rides from the airport to UCLA. 3) we cannot fully ensure everyone housing for those arriving Saturday. Please spread this information to everyone else planning to come, and urge everyone to register through the web registration please. It's looking very exciting, and I just can't wait to meet you all! We have some great things planned for every day, and Monday will be the climax with the demonstrations, so please plan to stay the full length. Thanks again, and mail me with any problems, solutions, comments, or just to say hi. Ali Ahmed http://www.nayzak.com/~aliburma aliburma@ix.netcom.com (562) 869-9681 ***************************************