------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: September 30, 1997 Issue #832 Noted in Passing: Burma is one of the very few countries left where the majority of citizens may know less about how their country is being run than the people who live outside it. --see THE NATION: A LOST GENERATION HEADLINES: ========== THE NATION: SUU KYI CALLS ON OPPOSITION, MILITARY JUNTA AP: PARTY ORGANIZERS TO MEET ASIAWEEK: CHANGING PLACES AP: U.N. TO DISCUSS EAST ASIAN ISSUES INDEPENDENT REPORT: NO FUN IN BURMA THE NATION: A LOST GENERATION BKK POST: PM URGED TO CLARIFY BORDER ROW AFP: CHINESE POLICE SEIZE 17.8 KILOS OF HEROIN FROM BURMA THE NATION: CONFLICTING INTERESTS IN HUMAN RIGHTS RADIO MYANMAR: CHANGE IN NATIONALITIES PROGRAM ORDER SLORC: REPORT ON KACHINLAND CHAPTER TACDB UPDATE: BURMESE STUDENTS STILL DETAINED ICCR: TEXACO IS OUT OF BURMA WOODROW WILSON CENTER: OCTOBER 8 PANEL DISCUSSION -------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE NATION: SUU KYI CALLS ON OPPOSITION, MILITARY JUNTA TO BEING DIALOGUE September 29, 1997 [abridged] AFP RANGOON - Burma's opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) wrapped up its first successful party congress in years yesterday with a call for the ruling junta to enter a political dialogue with its leaders. "There is no other means to solve the nation's problems other than a meaningful dialogue," the party announced in a nine-point resolution read aloud at the end of the congress and adopted unanimously by more than 700 delegates. The delegates, packed into Aung San Suu Kyi's residential compound, had just listened to a closing speech by the NLD leader, in which she thanked the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) for allowing the event to take place. The Nobel laureate noted that it was the first time in seven years the party had been able to hold a Congress with complete nationwide representation, and she requested that such cooperation and assistance continue. The party reiterated that it had reinstated Suu Kyi and two other top officials as members of the central executive committee following their release from house arrest during the last few years. The Slorc objected to their presence at the proposed talks because it has not officially recognised the reinstatements. "Meeting and talking with other organisations and choosing and nominating their own representatives is the sole right of the party," one of the reports adopted at the congress said. The nine-point resolution calls for an official report from the Slorc's election commission on the results of the 1990 elections, in which the NLD won more than 80 percent of the seats, and the convening of a parliament on the basis of those elections as soon as possible. A 54-page political report on the party's nine-year struggle under military rule also concluded with a call for dialogue, despite repression and intimidation suffered by NLD members across the country. The resolutions also called for the release of all political prisoners, whom Suu Kyi told diplomats at a briefing after the congress numbered in the "thousands". But in her closing speech, she called on those in the party who have suffered at the hands of the Slorc to put aside their emotions and make cool-headed political decisions. ********************************************** AP: PARTY ORGANIZERS TO MEET September 29, 1997 RANGOON, Burma (AP) - In a policy shift, Burma's military government allowed Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to confer with members of her party Monday to discuss ways of stepping up their campaign for democracy. The meetings at Suu Kyi's lakeside Rangoon home were a rare chance for the opposition leader to speak directly with activists of the National League for Democracy from outside the capital. For the past year, the military regime has blockaded her home and severely restricted access to her by arresting party members. This weekend, the military changed course and permitted Suu Kyi to convene a party congress at her Rangoon compound. It was the largest such gathering since 1990. Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, used the occasion to praise the regime for allowing the meeting. ``The fact that we have been able to hold this meeting is due to the cooperation of the authorities to a large degree. If they cooperate more, we will appreciate it more,'' she said. ``It's much more fun to be friends. We should not be enemies. We all belong to the same country.'' It remains to be seen whether officials will keep up the more tolerant approach, but diplomats and other observers in Rangoon said both the military and the democrats came away winners from the party congress. The United Nations General Assembly is in session and an annual resolution condemning the regime for its human rights abuses is on the agenda. By allowing the opposition congress, the government gave its new allies in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which admitted Burma as a member in July, some ammunition to use in opposing the resolution. ******************************************** ASIAWEEK: CHANGING PLACES October 3, 1997 Two generals from the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council - Lt.-Gen. Tin U and armed forces chief Gen. Maung Aye - moved their homes into the Yangon neighborhood of former junta strongman Gen. Ne Win, who is in Singapore for a medical check-up after visiting Indonesia. They live off heavily guarded Maylekha Road, across the Inya Lake from the U.S. ambassador's residence. Dissident Aung San Sun Kyi's house is on the southern shore. Tin U's move can be explained by last April's parcel bomb at his prior address which killed his eldest daughter. But Maung Aye is believed to have settled into Ne Win's compound itself. It is interesting because he is seen to be jousting with SLORC First Secretary Khin Nyunt. Seeking closer ties to Ne Win may have more to do with real politik than real estate. ************************************************* AP: U.N. TO DISCUSS EAST ASIAN ISSUES September 29, 1997 [abridged] By Robert H. Reid UNITED NATIONS (AP) -- The divided Korean peninsula, economic globalization and human rights in Cambodia, East Timor and Burma figure in the U.N. agenda this week when East Asians address the General Assembly. Perspective on those issues sometimes divides the United States and Europe from the emerging economic powerhouses of East Asia. Foreign ministers of South Korea, Singapore, the Philippines and Thailand are among those scheduled to address the General Assembly today as its annual debate enters a second week. They will be followed later in the week by senior diplomats from Brunei, Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos, North Korea, Australia and New Zealand. Foreign ministers of Japan, China, Burma and Malaysia spoke last week. But speakers during the opening week were mostly from Western developed countries, such as President Clinton and the foreign ministers of Russia, Germany, Britain, France and Italy. With East Asian officials taking the podium, topics are expected to include major Asian themes such as the situation in Korea, the recent Cambodia coup, Burma's junta and the disputed territory of East Timor. The massive haze over Southeast Asia, caused by fires lit to clear land in Indonesia, has emphasized the need for international cooperation to protect the environment at a time of economic growth. In Cambodia, the international community has deferred to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, in diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis after Prime Minister Hun Sen ousted his co-premier, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, last July. The U.N. Security Council refused to condemn the coup or demand Ranariddh's restoration. The General Assembly decided Cambodia's seat would remain vacant for the debate. In July, ASEAN admitted Burma to the regional trading bloc despite objections by the Clinton administration and the European Union. Washington has linked trade with respect for human rights in Burma. But Southeast Asian nations believe the best way to promote civil liberties in Burma is to bring the military regime into the global market. Southeast Asians are also uneasy about pressure on Indonesia, the largest ASEAN power, to solve the East Timor issue in a way favored by Portugal, Western Europe, human rights activists and East Timorese opposition groups. U.N.-brokered talks between Portugal and Indonesia have been cordial but have made little progress. Portugal, the former colonial power, wants a referendum in East Timor to decide the territory's status. Jakarta, which sent troops to East Timor after the Portuguese left in 1974, insists the territory is an integral part of Indonesia. ******************************************** INDEPENDENT REPORT: NO FUN IN BURMA September 29, 1997 by Etain McDonnell [Sent to New Zealand press] A New Zealand woman, Jude Smith, was assaulted by military authorities and deported from Burma yesterday evening (Sunday, 28 September 1997) after a run in with the totalitarian regime for trying to attend the National League for Democracy Congress called by democracy leader and Nobel peace prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite trying to present a good image by allowing the NLD Congress to go ahead, reports are coming out of Rangoon of military harassment of Suu Kyi's supporters. Jude Smith, who organizes juggling festivals in South East Asia, was visiting Rangoon to check out possible locations for a festival when she got caught up in the Slorc (State Law and Order Restoration Council) tactics to disperse invited guests trying to attend the Congress in Suu Kyi's compound. The New Zealander was caught up in the authorities crack down on a group of approximately 50 NLD supporters who were refused entry to the congress. A squadron of riot police was mobilized to force them to disperse. Police with shields marched them down the road, and scuffles broke out as they were loaded onto a truck. Smith, who was in Burma on a tourist visa, told reporters in Bangkok that she was bruised as she was forced on to the Dyna truck which had been commandeered by the military. Along with approximately 30 NLD members, she was dumped nearly one hour out of the city on the road to Mandalay. After taking pictures of dejected NLD delegates walking down the road, military officers refusing to show ID tried to steal her camera. When she refused to hand it over she was detained along with two NLD members and taken to a military base and then later released. On Sunday afternoon she was again detained by military intelligence while attempting to attend the closing ceremony of the NLD Congress to which foreign diplomats and other foreigners had been invited. She said that diplomats had been informed by authorities that they could not attend the NLD closing ceremony, and she saw several waiting at road blocks to Suu Kyi's compound. Jude was also denied entry to the leader's house on University Avenue. "I said fine, if that was their rules, and tried to leave, but they wouldn't let me," she said. She was detained in full view of the American Charge de Affairs and other diplomats as she tried to leave the road block. Her passport was taken and she was held and interrogated for several hours before being deported on the flight to Bangkok at 8 o'clock Sunday evening. Smith is filing a complaint with the New Zealand Embassy in Bangkok over the Burmese authorities denial of her repeated requests to contact embassy officials. New Zealand citizens are represented by the British as NZ does not have an embassy in Rangoon, although it does have a Tradenz office set up to serve New Zealand business interests. Western governments are currently discouraging investment in the military ruled country because of the military regimes appalling human rights records and suppression of the democracy movement. "Foreigners had been invited and it seemed like a great opportunity to meet with Suu Kyi and maybe find out if she liked the idea of a festival in Burma. It seems to me that the generals have lost their sense of humour and that the NLD and their supporters are the only people who have any sense of fun around here," said Jude on arrival in Bangkok Sunday night. Smith mentioned the famous Burmese comedian Par Par Lay who was arrested along with his fellow performers for making jokes at a private function inside Suu Kyi's compound in January 1996. They were sentenced to seven years hard labour, and Par Par Lay almost died this year after ill-treatment and abuse by the prison authorities. Officials told her that she had broken immigration rules by attempting to see Aung San Suu Kyi, although the NLD is not illegal under the military regime's own laws. The NLD won the 1990 general election, by an overwhelming 84 % majority but was prevented from taking office. "I told them to put a big sign up at the airport telling tourists that it was a deportable offense to try to visit Suu Kyi. I didn't break any rules. I didn't even get to see her." Jude was photographed by security police and video camera men every step of the way, including her impromptu juggling show as customs went through her baggage at the airport on deportation. The coordinator of the volunteer based Serious Fun Committee said she hoped her lone juggling act would convince the Burmese that a festival would be a good idea. "We would really like to have some fun in Burma. We staged successful festivals in Thailand in 1993, and in Laos 1996 where we even had approval of the Prime Minister himself. All the Burmese seemed to like the juggling so I'm sure we're going to have a great festival there some day. I hope it is soon." The NLD Congress, celebrating the 9th Anniversary of the founding of the party which won the 1990 general elections went ahead as planned. Suu Kyi called for dialogue with the military junta, which has refused to negotiate with her since releasing her from six years of house arrest in July 1995. *********************************************** THE NATION: A LOST GENERATION September 28, 1997 Roger Beaumont What makes young students give up everything to spend the best years of their lives as poverty-stricken, jungle-bound revolutionaries? Bangkok-based Jeanne Hallacy found out over a half decade visiting the Thai-Burma border. Her new film premieres in Los Angeles next week. Roger Beaumont reports. Burma is one of the very few countries left where the majority of citizens may know less about how their country is being run than the people who live outside it. Yet the Burmese know only too well that the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), which has governed their lives with such an iron fist and casual brutality for the last nine years, was certainly not elected to do so. It is still hard to reconcile just what happened. On May 27, 1990, the people of Burma went to the polls and voted overwhelmingly for the National League of Democracy (NLD), founded and led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Slorc was at first stunned, then enraged and immediately took control of the country. One of its first actions was to seek out and punish the parents of the students who had defied them. Most of their sons and daughters had fled into the jungle. "They tried elections," said native New Yorker and photojournalist Jeanne Hallacy, "but the Burmese army, who hadn't quite got the hang of democracy, arrested the winner." For someone who has just spent five emotionally taxing years making Burma Diary, a film about the students and others on the border who suffered because of Slorc's reaction, her composure is impressive. Hallacy, in her mid-30s, is well-attuned to the dangers that children and young people face when caught up in adult conflicts. In her 20s, she spent six years in the Philippines as a photographer, where she gave up much of her free time to comfort children caught up in the country's internal conflicts. Why did she decide to make a film about what happened to the Burmese students who fled to the border? "I have a fascination about what compels young people to join revolutionary movements," she said. Her purpose was to shed light on the motivation, development and perhaps the destinies of those she would meet in the student camps. In December 1992, underfunded and overloaded, Hallacy made the first of countless trips to the border, initially to Manerplaw at that time the Karen headquarters. It had become a shelter and then a centre for the students who were to form the All Burmese Student Democratic Front (ABSDF). The Karen would teach them how to fight. Hallacy soon met Tin Aung, a university student who - along with the workers teachers, monks and children - joined the protests in 1988 calling for an end to 26 years of military rule. Among the thousands killed by the army were some of Tin Aung's friends. It was the fortunes of Tin Aung and his family that would become the heart of Burma Diary. The border is a hard place. Sickness, especially malaria, is rife. Even finding enough to eat can sometimes be difficult. One Karen mother told a journalist that, while under attack by the Burmese forces, the only nutritional thing she'd had for a week was a blood transfusion given to her by a Norwegian field doctor. Hallacy came to know the daily struggles of these young revolutionaries, to understand how their dignity and humour held up against the odds, and to comprehend their passion for what they were doing. Says Kevin, a volunteer teacher in a Karen camp, who appears in Burma Diary. "People overseas say, 'It's good to oppose Slorc by non-violent means.' But I ask you to put yourself in their position. Your father was taken as a porter and beaten to death. Your cousin was captured and thrown off a cliff. The soldiers raped your mother, six of them at once, and forced you to watch. You end up an orphan. Your sister's been sold into a brothel by Slorc officers in Thailand. What would you do?" When appearing on film, the young people and children are shy and polite. Their English is halting but their message is not: We have lost family and friends, the country is divided, separated and battered and it's about time some bad things happened to the bad people who control this country. In March 1993, Hallacy met Chatay ("Little Brother"), who thinks he was nine when his house was shelled during a Slorc offensive. When he regained consciousness after the shell blast, his parents were lying in front of him, dead. Slorc soldiers took him and it was years before he escaped and met up with a group of ABSDF soldiers. He told the film-maker he was no longer afraid of being killed because "I'm not holding a stick anymore, I'm holding a gun". The following year, Hallacy discovered that Tin Aung had moved into the ABSDF information department - he had become the father of twin girls and was worried about his babies' future. Decisions had to be made. As the film draws to its climax, it follows dramatic events as they were unfolding along the border. One camp after another (Tin Aung's among them) was falling to Slorc forces, and he and his young family joined thousands of other refugees on the Thai side of the border. A year later, Tin Aung was an intense mixture of emotion. Sad because he could not go back to Burma and relieved because he had finally secured visas for his family to enter Australia. In the film, a poignant moment records a Tin Aung torn by the huge consequences of his decision. Burma Diary, which Hallacy wrote, directed and narrated, is a well-told documentary that primarily concerns the fortunes of one family while illuminating the tragedy of countless others. It is not designed to shock, but does anyway because of the steely and human reality it portrays. The story reveals itself without being forced. It is gritty and sensitive, and it leaves one feeling chastened, centred and incredibly lucky. It is not a film about solutions - although it hints at possibilities. It is a true diary of a certain time, but is also a work in progress that' visually prolongs the echo of Aung San Suu Kyi's own words and present predicament: "Liberty is always an unfinished business " ************************************************* BKK POST: PM URGED TO CLARIFY BORDER ROW September 29, 1997 Suebpong Unarat Thailand may lose territory to Burma A Democrat Party MP yesterday repeated his call for Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh to deny he did not give Burma permission to dig up a channel to mark the border line inside Thai territory on the Moei River. Bangkok MP Preecha Suwannathat said that if the prime minister did not deny it to the world community Thailand might end up losing a piece of its territory the same way that happened to Khao Phra Viharn. During last week's censure debate, Mr Preecha claimed that after Gen Chavalit returned from his Rangoon visit, Burma dug up a channel to mark the border on a piece of land which has been extended from the Moei River bank inside Thai territory. This part of land is in front of the Khok Chang Phuak temple of Mae Sot district. If Gen Chavalit did not officially deny any knowledge of the digging, Thailand might end up losing over 200 rai of land, said Mr Preecha, who is a legal expert. Mr Preecha said he heard that some people wanted to build a casino on that piece of land but this would not be possible if the land was part of Thai territory. So there was an attempt to make the land part of Burma so that Thai businessmen could lease the land to build the casino and a hotel. However, the MP admitted he had no evidence to confirm this. Gen Chavalit should clarify this matter, Mr Preecha said. Democrat MP for Tak, Chaiwuth Ban a at, said he would continue to investigate this matter. Bangkok MP Akrapol Sorasuchart claimed, that Gen Chavalit had said he would clarify the situation in parliament regarding the Mae Sot land but failed to keep his promise. Concerning this matter, Deputy Foreign Minister Pithak Intrawithayanunt said that Thailand had not lost an inch of land because Thailand and Burma have greed to demarcate the ill-defined border. "I can officially confirm that the prime minister did not allow Burma to do the digging in that area," Mr Pitak said. Thailand will use a 1994 map in the demarcation of that area because in that year there was a major flood that eroded the river bank on the Thai side and washed away the demarcation posts and Burma has agreed to this, he said. *********************************************** AFP: CHINESE POLICE SEIZE 17.8 KILOS OF HEROIN FROM BURMA-LINKED GANG September 26, 1997 BEIJING, Sept 26 (AFP) - Police have seized 17.8 kilogrammes (39 pounds) of heroin and detained nine people accused of trafficking drugs into China from neighbouring Burma, the China Daily reported Friday. The nine, arrested during an undercover operation in southwestern Sichuan province from September 6-7, had 170,000 yuan (20,481 dollars) of alleged illegal income with them, the report said. On September 5, police in southern Guangzhou seized 6.7 kilogrammes (15 pounds) or heroin and arrested four people in a similar raid. Drug addiction and trafficking are growing problems in China, where the opening up of the economy has allowed for a much freer flow of heroin from the southwestern and northwestern border regions. ****************************************** THE NATION: CONFLICTING INTERESTS IN HUMAN RIGHTS September 27, 1997 Puangthong Rungswasdisab Thailand's country report on human rights to the United Nations will have to be negotiated through a mine field, comments the Nation's Puangthong Rungswasdisab The House Committee of Justice and Human Rights is preparing a report on the state of human rights in Thailand, which will be submitted to the Human Rights Committee early next year under the International Covenant on Civil; and Political Rights (ICPR). It is part of the country's obligation as a signatory to the ICPR. Last week, the committee invited about 100 people who work in various areas of civil and political rights, children, women, elderly people, the disabled, minority groups, labour, refugees, and foreign workers to provide information and share opinions in a seminar organised by the committee. However, the concept of human rights is varied and elusive and is being constantly interpreted, and reinterpreted, by contending political groups with diverging interests and standpoints. During the Cold War, the communist bloc led by the Soviet Union considered the call for protection of human rights as a means to criticise communist rule and to shape the world into the capitalist mold. More recently, Asean defended criticism of its engagement policy with the Burmese military junta as an "Asian way" to regional cooperation and development. On the other hand, the West and human rights advocates charge that Asean is using the argument as an excuse for ignoring human rights violations in Burma, and at the same time protecting their investment and trade with the regime. To clarify its concept of human rights, the committee responsible for writing the country report will have to start by asking itself a basic question - whose rights are to be protected and by whom? The answer for that should conform with the principle derived from the contemporary international debate on human rights, that every individual's rights should be protected from being abused by the state. No doubt, human rights protection involves the conflicting interests between the state and its citizens. Thus, the planned report will not be able to fulfil one of the committee's wishes - that it is to "present an overall picture of human rights practices in Thailand that will be acceptable to all parties in the society". For example, how is the committee going to present the recent expulsion of thousands of Burmese ethnic minorities to the trouble-plagued country by the Thai Army? This week, the London-based human rights group Amnesty International (AI) slammed the Army's action in its monthly report. If the House committee finds the evidence produced by AI true and includes it in its report, it is likely to be accused by the Army as well as other security agents of helping foreign organisations ruin Thailand's integrity. The same can be said about the extrajudicial execution of six suspected drug traffickers led by senior police officers in Suphan Buri, widespread corruption in the government, torture and execution of suspected criminals and prisoners by police - all of which are waiting for the committee's consideration. On the other hand, if the committee believes that its role is to help put a gloss on the country's human rights image, then its report would eventually lose credibility in the eyes of the international community. Thus, without a clear concept of human rights protection, the committee could find itself caught in a dilemma. The next question the members of the House committee should ask themselves is who they represent, because they are part of the state apparatus and, at the same time, the peoples' representatives. Parliamentarians are part of the legislative state mechanism, but it is the people who elect them. But in the final analysis, their duty must be to work for the benefit of the people. To gain credibility, the committee members need to be independent, honest, and transparent in their work. Prof Vitit Mantraphond, a key human rights campaigner, also suggested that the information the committee is compiling should be pluralistic in nature. The framework of the country report is another factor. The country report should not be limited to three international treaties that Thailand has signed - the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation. The committee should take into account the local laws and the Constitution as well as newly emerging problems not protected by law. To achieve such an objective, the committee will need to consider setting up a database and a research team of its own so that it will be able to investigate the issues on a case-by-case basis, instead of depending on second-hand information which is often disputable. But for the time being, it appears that it may have to seek cooperation with the existing NGOs which have been diligently monitoring the abuse of human rights. ********************************************** RANGOON RADIO MYANMAR: QUARTERLY CHANGE IN BURMESE NATIONALITIES PROGRAM ORDER September 24, 1997 [translated from Burmese] The Nationalities Program broadcast by Radio Myanmar which is changed quarterly in [Burmese] alphabetical order will be presented in the following order for the period 1 October to 31 December on Short Wave 63.49 meters. Mon 1600-1630 [0930-1000 GMT] Rakhine 1630-1700 [1000-1030 GMT] Shan 1700-1730 [1030-1100 GMT] Kachin 1730-1800 [1100-1130 GMT] Kayah 1800-1830 [1130-1200 GMT] Sgaw Karen 1830-1900 [1200-1230 GMT] Pwo Karen 1900-1930 [1230-1300 GMT] Chin 1930-2000 [1300-1330 GMT] *************************************** SLORC: REPORT ON KACHINLAND CHAPTER September 26, 1997 From: OKKAR66127@AOL.COM REPORT ON KACHINLAND CHAPTER ********************************************** THE 29TH WORLD LEAGUE FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY CONFERENCE WASHINGTON D.C., SEPTEMBER 26-29, 1997 On this auspicious day of the 29th World League for Freedom and Democracy conference, I, as a representative of ethnic Kachin people of the Union of Myanmar (Burma), greatly appreciate the privilege and honor to present the situation in the Union of Myanmar to the world leaders who are striving for world peace. For almost half a century, Myanmar has been ravaged by a civil war that continues unabated. An armed solution "if successful", would have by this time resulted in one or the other side succeeding militarily against the other during this civil war. This no-win situation between the warring parties and factions, has only devastated the nation, while the people remain the ultimate losers in this endless armed conflict. For this reason, Kachin independence Organization (KIO) perceives that to achieve justice, human rights, peace, democracy, and equal opportunities for the whole nation, now is the time for everyone to have a conscience and for all concerned people of Myanmar to join hands and to focus, in spiritual and intellectual reconciliation, on one common direction for the betterment of all peoples as a nation. The KIO has previously attempted to jointly achieve the above objectives with the other warring ethnic races. But, due to preconditions placed by various organizations and alliances on such negotiations, the KIO was unable to secure a joint consensus or agreement to participate together in such negotiations. For this reason and from our own convictions, the KIO decided to negotiate separately. Commencing in 1993, we conducted organization with the SLORC on numerous occasions. These negotiations resulted in a cease-fire agreement being entered into on the 24 February 1994 with SLORC. Following the ceasefire agreement, close cooperation and friendship has achieved the resettling of refugees, and the beginning of the development process in Kachin State, along with all other matters as well. Similarly, most of other ethnic nationality insurgent organizations have entered ceasefire with the SLORC. Naturally, where there is civil war, there can be no human rights, peace and democracy. Only a nationwide ceasefire will lead to the peace conditions necessarily to allow the nation to develop further. As a matter of fact, the 199l Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose release on July 10, 1995 topped news headlines around the world has announced her intention to continue political dialogue with the SLORC. She said, "the aim of the SLORC is to return the power to the people. This is exactly our aim as well and that SLORC Chairman Gen. Than Shwe stated that he would like me to help achieve peace and stability in the nation. - I intended to help SLORC in every way so that we can return power to the people. This is not only my intention. It is the intention of all who want democracy, and it is obviously the intention of SLORC. There is no hostility between me and SLORC". However, for some reason. her original vision was altered to accelerate the process of democratization thereby confronting with the SLORC since then. This era marks the beginning of peace in several countries in South-east Asia region. Some countries in this region including Myanmar are just beginning to learn the self-responsibilities inherent in the foundations of democracy. If we look at the democracy system in the west, we will see that most Western countries have enjoyed independence for hundreds of years and have established democratic systems of government for centuries. In such systems. the people are taught since they are children the essence of self-responsibility democracy and human rights. Consequently, they appreciate and value the principles of democracy and human rights, which now most regard as sacrosanct. For this reason, and arising from different realities, western and Southeast Asian peoples view these concepts differently. Today, the situation in Myanmar and Cambodia are quite similar in terms of the political struggle among different groups. Under such circumstances, it is extremely important ::hat only appropriate advice and support from the outside world will restore peace to these warring neighbouring countries rather than introducing a new high-tech democratic process. Recently, ASEAN, the grouping of neighbouring Southeast Asian countries granted Myanmar membership. It was because all the neighboring countries have good intentions for harmony and peaceful co-existence. They also want to bring about the same level of economic development in the region. ASEAN leaders deserve recognition for providing constructive assistance and adopting a broad minded attitude. Ladies and Gentlemen; in attendance at this conference today, are various leaders from all over the world who desire world peace, and who are prepared to personally work towards the achievement of peace and security in the world. In the sense of world peace, Myanmar forms an integral part of such global strategy. We call upon you to support and to advise us in achieving peace in Myanmar as well as the whole region. Firstly, we will need your support on the establishment of talks leading to a nationwide ceasefire in Myanmar. The final step in this process will be nationwide peace talks, which will include leaders of all political parties and revolutionary forces in good faith. If the international community will be willing to co-assist us in this regard, we believe that Myanmar will, within a certain period of time achieve a secure peace for all future generations of Myanmar. At the same time, a secure peace in this region will take us one step closer to achieving the goal of world peace. ****************************************** TACDB UPDATE: BURMESE STUDENTS STILL DETAINED IN BANGKOK'S SPECIAL DETENTION CENTRE (SDC), THAILAND. September 27, 1997 From: Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma Dear friends, Here's some information about the Burmese students that are still being detained at the Special Detention Centre in Bangkok. We need to work on getting them out as most of them have now been detained for longer than they should have been detained under relevant Thai law concerning Burmese students in Thailand. Does anybody have any suggestions of how we should campaign for their release or what they would like seen done??? 1. THANT ZIN HTUN was arrested during Bill Clinton's visit to Thailand in 1996. A group of students staged a demonstration and tried to hand an open letter to Mr. Clinton. He has been incarcerated since this time. He applied for resettlement to Australia and was granted an interview but could not attend as he was in SDC at the time. Authorities for not permit Burmese to be interviewed for protection (UNHCR) or for resettlement whilst under detention here. 2. TAY AZA THURA was arrested at the same time for the same reasons. He applied to the Canadian embassy, and could not attend the interview for the same reason as above. 3. AUNG ZAW and 4. SHWE OO were arrested at the same time. Same reasons. They had applied to the Canadian embassy, but heard nothing more about their application. 5. SWHE HLA was detained in April of 97 after being arrested outside of the Malaysian embassy in Bangkok for peacefully demonstrating against ASEAN's acceptance of Burma. Three other young men were arrested with him-one had an official outpass from the safe area so the authorities sent him back to the camp and all of his privileges were suspended as a result (this is in keeping with the provincial rules governing the safe area). T 6. WIN MYINT has been detained for ALOMST THREE YEARS. He was arrested in the safe area for fighting with other Burmese. It is widely understood in the camp that Win Myint suffers from some psychological impairment and that he needs medical attention for as he sometimes hurts himself. He apparently sleeps most of the time, but then gets aggressive off an on. Burmese students in the camp understand his condition and are concerned for his well-being. He is not receiving any medical attention in SDC (well- no proper medication etc- I think they give out paracetamol on a routine basis to placate medical NGO's etc). The Prison authorities want to release him and return him to the Safe area but the Camp Commander has said that he will not accept him back. Actually, the camp commander is not fully empowered to make such decisions and there is nothing that I can see in the provincial rules governing the safe area that restrict this guy from entering the safe area. 7. SAN SHAR has been detained almost two years. His case is a strange one actually. He was asked in the camp if he had left illegally (without pass) to Bangkok. He admitted to this being so and he was arrested and sent to the SDC in Bangkok directly from the Safe Area, WITHOUT being to court. Please note that all of the above students have NI numbers and were residents of the Burmese Students Area (Safe Area) in Ratchaburi Province. Safe Area regulations (I can provide you with a copy of them if you need), only provide for imprisonment of students for between 3 and 6 months periods- NOTHING LONGER. The Thai's actually have no right to detain them any longer. They should release them back into the safe area or to IDC etc. ------------------------------------------------------------------ Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB), 328 Phayathai Road, Rajthevee, Bangkok 10400, THAILAND. tel/fax: (+662) 216 4463 email: tacdb@ksc.th.com ****************************************************** ICCR: TEXACO IS OUT OF BURMA September 25, 1997 [abridged] From: BURMA OFFICE Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 475 Riverside Dr., Rm 550, New York, NY 10115 ph (212) 8702295 fx (212) 870 2023 for more information contact: Rev. John Paarlberg, (212) 870 3020 Fr. Joseph P. La Mar, (914) 941 7636 x2516 Rev. David M Schilling (212) 870 2928 TEXACO IS OUT OF BURMA; RELIGIOUS SHAREHOLDERS REJOICE New York, September 25,1997 -- On September 23, 1997 TEXACO announced it had sold its assets in a natural gas project in Yetagun, Burma to Premier Oil of Britain. While the sale awaits government and partnership approval, it is anticipated that such will be completed this November. "TEXACO's decision is a tremendous victory for the Burmese people," commented Rev. John Paarlberg of the Reformed Church in America, one of the religious shareholders which has sponsored shareholder resolutions pressing Texaco to withdraw from Burma. "This sends a strong message to Burma's military dictators that there will be no 'business as usual' until democracy returns." Texaco's decision to withdraw from Burma is a product of the combined efforts of the Burma democratic movement as well as students, religious groups, human rights organizations, unions and others around the world. President Clinton's decision in April to bar new investments in the military-ruled Burma in the interest of human rights has also promoted U.S. companies doing business in Burma to critically evaluate their continued presence. "The move by TEXACO will definitely increase pressure on other companies with business in Burma," predicted Fr. Joseph P. La Mar of the Maryknoll Fathers and Brothers, a community of Roman Catholic missioners, who have participated in shareholder dialogues with Texaco. "We plan to press for the withdrawal from Burma of ATLANTIC RICHFIELD and UNOCAL. Multinational oil company investment in Burma provides the largest legal source of foreign currency to the regime." "We are heartened by TEXACO's decision to leave Burma," explained Rev. David Schilling, director of Global Corporate Accountability Programs for the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, an association of 275 Protestant, Catholic and Jewish denominations, religious communities, pension funds, health care corporations and other institutions. "Premier Oil of Britain, however, should not move into Burma as Texaco moves out. We have contacted our colleagues at the Ecumenical Committee on Corporate Responsibility in Great Britain to press Premier Oil to respect the human rights of the Burmese people and refuse to do business in Burma until democracy is restored." In 1997 religious and other investors submitted shareholder resolutions related to the Burma operations of ATLANTIC RICHFIELD, CATERPILLAR, UNOCAL, PEPSICO and TEXACO. After a successful campaign and dialogue, PEPSICO withdrew from Burma in May 1997. Other companies that refuse to do business in Burma include AMOCO, EDDIE BAUER, LEVI Strauss and LIZ CLAIBORNE. ***************************************