------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: October 13, 1997 Issue #843 HEADLINES: ========== AFP: SLORC OFFICIAL - NO REQUEST FOR RAMOS TO MEET SUU KYI KYODO: FORMER U.S. OFFICIALS DISCUSS MYANMAR INVESTMENT NCUB STATEMENT: ON NLD NINTH ANNIVERSARY CONFERENCE FTUB REPORT: SLORC DELEGATION TO KARENNI ABSDF-WB: INDO-BURMA BORDER NEWS SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A-0165(I) ASIAWEEK: ODDLY, A SHOW OF REASON FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: ON TRACK, OFF TRACK THE IRRAWADDY: SLAUGHTER OF THE INNOCENT SOLDIERS TV MYANMAR NETWORK: MINISTER MYINT AUNG VISITS RUSSIA CFOB: ALAN CLEMENTS IN TORONTO AND OTTAWA FOR TALKS BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST -------------------------------------------------------------------------- HONG KONG AFP: SLORC OFFICIAL -- NO REQUEST FOR RAMOS TO MEET SUU KYI [abridged] October 8, 1997 BANGKOK, Oct 8 (AFP) - Burma's ruling military junta on Wednesday denied the Philippines had requested a meeting between President Fidel Ramos and Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi next week. The comment came as Ramos said diplomats were working out a possible meeting with the pro-democracy chief during his state visit to Rangoon next week in "collaboration with the host government." A senior military official said the Burmese embassy in Manila, the Philippine embassy in Rangoon and the Burmese ministry of foreign affairs were unaware of formal permission for a meeting being sought. "There is no such official request being made from the Philippine authorities on this matter," he said referring to an "alleged request to the Myanmar (Burma) authorities to meet with Mrs Aris during his state visit. [no closing quotation marks as received] Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who was kept under house arrest for six years after her party won elections here in 1990, is married to Englishman Michael Aris. Ramos said earlier Wednesday in Manila that details for a possible meeting were being worked out "by our Department of Foreign Affairs authorities who are in charge of scheduling in collaboration with the host government." Ramos is to visit Burma and Laos after a brief visit to Hong Kong on Monday to address the World Economic Forum. The visit to Burma and Laos, the newest members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to which the Philippines also belongs, hopes "to determine from their leaders, how we of the Philippines can help," Ramos said. *************************************** KYODO: FORMER U.S. OFFICIALS DISCUSS INVESTMENT IN MYANMAR October 10, 1997 BANGKOK, Oct. 10 (Kyodo) - Three former high-ranking U.S. officials will visit Myanmar next week to discuss trade and investment in the country with the ruling junta, a Thai diplomat said Friday. The diplomat, who requested that he not be named, told Kyodo News the trip will be sponsored by the Washington-based Burma-Myanmar Forum, an organization which played a vital role in lobbying Washington not to impose sanctions on current American investment in Myanmar. The White House in April halted new U.S. investment in Myanmar as a punishment for Rangoon's human rights violations. In Rangoon, the three retired officials will meet with high-ranking officials of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to discuss economic issues. The United States harvests much benefit from American corporations doing business in Myanmar, such as oil companies Unocal and Texaco. The three retired officials -- Michel Armacost, former ambassador to the Philippines and Japan, Richard Armitage, ex-senior assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs, and Morton Abramowitz, former ambassador to Thailand -- will leave the U.S. at the weekend and are scheduled to visit Singapore Oct. 12-14, Myanmar Oct. 14-16, and Thailand Oct. 17-18, said the diplomat. They will visit Thailand and Singapore to seek the two countries' advice on the political situation in Myanmar. ''The delegation would like to collect information on the political situation in Myanmar from Thailand and Singapore's point of view to take as a factor when considering doing business in Myanmar,'' the diplomat added. During their stay in Thailand, they will meet with Deputy Foreign Minister Pitak Intharawittayanant and senior officials at the Foreign Ministry, while in Singapore they will also meet with senior officials. They also plan to seek meetings with U.N. representatives and nongovernmental organization (NGO) officials in both countries. ****************************************************** NCUB STATEMENT: ON NLD NINTH ANNIVERSARY CONFERENCE October 13, 1997 From: win1@psnulok.loxinfo.co.th NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE UNION OF BURMA NCUB Statement On NLD Ninth Anniversary Conference October 13,1997 1. The National League for Democracy (NLD) is the organization mandated by the people to form a government at the parliament meeting which should have been held within 60 days after the May 1990 general election. Therefore, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) regards all the undertakings and performances of the NLD, based on the result of May 1990 election and its responsibility towards the people, as just and legitimate. 2. We, the NCUB, commend and honor the NLD leaders and members led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who courageously made relentless efforts, in spite of a very difficult situation, to hold the conference which was essential for the organization. 3. We support the resolutions passed by the conference, especially the ones relating to the basic political questions: * Affirming the members of parliament-elect to be legal and legitimate on the basis of announcement made in the government gazette; * Specifying term of the parliament; * Affirming the May 1990 election as an election specifically for the election of members of parliament; * Demanding that those in power permit the convening of a parliament meeting; * Protesting the coercion of members of the parliament-elect to resign by those in power; * Demanding the Election Commission to submit its final report regarding the election; * According special mandates to the Chairman and General Secretary of the NLD; * Demanding, in line with the wishes of the people and parties representing them, for the resolution of political problems realistically by political means through dialogue; * Calling for the convening of a conference similar to the Panglong Conference. 4. We, the NCUB, while supporting the resolutions of the NLD conference, solemnly demand that the Slorc military dictatorship speedily realize the just and legitimate demands of the NLD. 5. For the resolution of political problems by political means, we also solemnly demand that SLORC immediately begin taking steps to hold tri-partite dialogue comprising of the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ethnic nationalities forces and the SLORC. In conclusion, we, the NCUB, call upon all the ethnic nationalities and pro-democracy forces to unitedly and relentlessly struggle for the immediate: * Termination of the Slorc's brutal war and scorched-earth destruction against the ethnic nationalities; * Abolishment of repressive laws and orders against the people and political parties; * Release of all political prisoners, unconditionally; * Arrangements for holding tri-partite dialogue. ****************************** FTUB REPORT: SLORC DELEGATION TO KARENNI October 10, 1997 From: ftubus@ibm.net Federation of Trade Unions-Burma (FTUB) The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) sent its delegation led by U Khun Myat and Pastor Sutae, to talk with KNPP leadership, on 9th October 1997. They have arrived by Helicopter to the border town, Mae Hong Son in Thailand. There was a meeting between both sides in the morning, on 10th October 1997. In March 1995 the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) signed a cease-fire agreement with SLORC which SLORC broke two months later. ************************************************* ABSDF-WB: INDO-BURMA BORDER NEWS October 12, 1997 From: Zaw Zaw A new bazaar situated at Nanphalong ward, Tamu town of Burma was set ablaze by unknown gunmen last night. This incident started around 11:30 PM and ended at 6 A.M. this morning. 20 minutes of cross fire occurred between the bazaar security policemen and the gunmen who started the fire. Six Burmese policemen and two civilians, night duty watchmen died in this incident. The bullets directly hit and penetrated the walls of houses of both countries situated near the borderline. According to a Manipur police source, one Medrasi man from Moreh also died in the crossfire. The bazaar is situated 50 meters away from barbed wire border fencing, and is opposite Gate No. 2 of Moreh. This Nanphalong new bazaar was opened in mid-April this year on the order of Trade Minister Gen. Tun Kyi. There are around 450 shops and four rows of buildings in this new bazaar, all of which were burnt down last night. All the Gates between Tamu and Moreh are closed today and Burmese Army troops are deployed at area of fire. Security on the Burmese side of the border is tight. The official cost of a shop is around 10,000 Kyats, while the unofficial price of a shop is currently over 100,000 Kyats. A similar attempt occurred on 20th September, but less damage occurred despite the fact that two rows of buildings were doused with petroleum. The total cost of damage caused by this fire is at least 15 Crores Kyats (Burmese Currency). Although the Chairman of Tamu township Law and Order Restoration Council, Captain Kaung Zan Oo received one Crore Kyats from this bazaar through corruption, labourers and small-scale vendors from both countries became jobless and lost their income. After opening the Nanphalong new bazaar, the morning bazaar of Moreh almost collapsed. News and Information Unit ABSDF (Western-Burma) ****************************************** SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A-0165(I) October 11, 1997 From: OKKAR66127@AOL.COM COMPUTER SCIENCE DIPLOMA COURSE OPENS One-year Full Time Computer Science Diploma Course of the Ministry of Science and Technology opened on 10 October with an address by Minister for Science and Technology. Minister said this is the first full time computer science diploma course conducted under his ministry, adding such courses are being conducted to bring out qualified technicians for building a new peaceful, modern and developed nation. Plans are under way to promote technicians according to their ability and efforts, he stated. Altogether 101 trainees of departments under the Ministry are attending the course. CLARIFICATION FOR THE SECOND WAVE OF DISINFORMATION ATTACK The actual health condition of U Win Tin (NLD Central Executive Committee Ex-member) has been clarified in the Information Sheet No. A-0164(I). In today’s Information Sheet Clarification on the health conditions of U Aung Khin Sint and U Cho Aung Than shall be clarified. Actually, this information has already been given to some of the international news agencies. Both, U Aung Khin Sint and U Cho Aung Than are being treated in Yangon General Hospital. U Aung Khin Sint was transferred from prison hospital on the June 11 and U Cho Aung Than on September 26. U Aung Khin Sint is suffering from high blood pressure, weak heart and diabetes while U Cho Aung Than from high blood pressure. They are not transferred to YGH because their health condition is serious. They are transferred because the prison doctors and authorities concerned believe their health condition will improve more quickly if they are given extra-medical attention there. Likewise, other prisoners whom the prison doctors and authorities concerned recommend for extra-medical attention are also transferred, admitted treated in Yangon General Hospital. Their families are allowed regular hospital visit and the essential needs are also provided to them. Presently the health condition of both of them is normal. The Myanmar Authorities concerned had quite recently renovated the prisons and is trying its best to meet the essential retirements of the prisoners. At the same time it is also trying to upgrade the health facilities in the prisons and provide extra-medical attention to all prisoners that it deems necessary for precautionary measures and on humanitarian grounds. In this regard, just because prisoners are transferred, admitted and treated in Yangon General Hospital, it should not be interpreted that these prisoners health are in critical condition. It should rather be looked upon as a humanitarian gesture from the relevant authorities. ******************************************* ASIAWEEK: ODDLY, A SHOW OF REASON October 17, 1997 Susan Berfield And Dominic Faulder, Bangkok The generals may be trying out a new strategy The military men who run Myanmar seem to have an undeserved reputation for uniformity. They are supposed to be of one mind on the economy (reform is essential) and politics (reform is immaterial). They agree on how to "pacify" the last of the insurgents (attack). They fall into line without argument. Sure they do. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) may be a collective, but it is not a cult. The generals are not faceless, or mindless, and these days some could even be called reasonable. Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, head of military intelligence and a moderate (by SLORC standards), invited a few leaders of the opposition National League for Democracy in for a chat, which would have been the most important since Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the party, was released from six years of house arrest in 1995. The NLD turned down the offer (more on why later). Even so, in late September the government allowed the party to hold a national congress. Suu Kyi, who hosted the two-day meeting, thanked SLORC for its cooperation. Myanmar's leaders do their best to disclose as little about their intentions as possible. And their motivations are even more difficult to discern. But there have been some revealing moments. The first was the reappearance in Jakarta of 86-year-old Ne Win, the general who ruled Myanmar from 1962 until 1988 and has continued to influence its leaders. Officially he has retired, and until last month was seldom mentioned or seen. When Ne Win stepped down in 1988 (amid growing civil unrest and a deteriorating economy), he acknowledged that his party's policies had bankrupted the country, and he even spoke vaguely about democracy. These days Ne Win is apparently irritated by SLORC's inability to rescue the economy and salvage his legacy. Ne Win visited Jakarta for three days in September as the guest of President Suharto. He traveled with a military entourage, met with Suharto, and dined with members of the president's family and Myanmar's ambassador to Indonesia. It was a private trip that was surprisingly public, even political. Indonesia, after all, boasts the kind of regulated democracy that might appeal to some in SLORC. Certainly its record of development would. Myanmar is facing economic troubles that are as serious as those that gave rise to the pro-democracy movement in 1988. Inflation is high, the rice harvest has been damaged by heavy flooding, foreign reserves are depleted, and the balance of trade deficit is increasing. Myanmar has ignored International Monetary Fund and World Bank advice. Foreign investment has slowed. Not that this is how the government describes the situation. At the U.N. General Assembly meeting in New York, Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw said foreign investment was increasing and sanctions would backfire. When Khin Nyunt recently met with Singaporean officials, including Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, he said: "With the country enjoying peace and stability, with a dynamic economy and strong social cohesion, Myanmar is ready to play its part in the mainstream of the region." What was most significant about Khin Nyunt's statement was that he made it at all. He is Ne Win's protégé, and is often called the most powerful man in Myanmar. But earlier this year he was as close to being nameless as he has ever been. Khin Nyunt failed last November to persuade the Karens to join the 15 other insurgent groups in a government-sponsored ceasefire. His strong personal support for SLORC's failed charm offensive, Visit Myanmar Year, also lowered his prestige. And his profile. At that point, Gen. Maung Aye, SLORC's deputy chairman and one of its most conservative members, seemed to eclipse Khin Nyunt. Maung Aye mounted a devastating, and costly, attack against the Karens. SLORC also went on the offensive against the NLD. Arrests of party members have increased during the past year, as has government propaganda. Access to Suu Kyi has continued to be severely restricted. Khin Nyunt's reemergence could mean that the more moderate and pragmatic members of SLORC are in favor now, and it could well be Ne Win's patronage that has smoothed their way. Certainly they were in charge last month. The NLD would never have been able to hold its meeting at Suu Kyi's home otherwise. An estimated 1,300 delegates gathered from across the country to mark the party's ninth anniversary. Some 700 were allowed into Suu Kyi's compound, though the party had permission for only 300 people. Suu Kyi said: "I am firmly convinced that the NLD and the authorities will be able to cooperate holding hands together to work for the country." The trouble is that the authorities would still prefer to "cooperate" with anybody but Suu Kyi. Khin Nyunt's earlier invitation to chat specifically excluded Suu Kyi. And the other NLD leaders refused to talk to him without her. They fear that SLORC is trying to split the party. But the decision to rebuff Khin Nyunt was not without controversy. After all, Suu Kyi has been asking the government to talk with the NLD for years. Whether Khin Nyunt extends his hand again may depend as much on Suu Kyi as it does on Ne Win, Maung Aye and the price of rice. The generals have plenty to think about. ******************************************************* FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: ON TRACK, OFF TRACK [excerpt only] October 16, 1997 Bertil Lintner Burma/Myanmar. Nelles Verlag. The format of Nelles' contour map of Burma-which includes northern Thailand-is graphically attractive, but the map is riddled with mistakes. It appears to be based on an old pilot chart-hence the nice topography and outdated road networks. For example, it features a fat red line that runs from Mong Pan and Mong Ton in Burma down to the Thai border, where a tiny line continues on the Thai side. That was perhaps the case 40 years ago. Today, the road on the Burmese side is a rutted dirt track, while a wide, mostly paved road was completed on the Thai side several years ago. ****************************************************** THE IRRAWADDY: SLAUGHTER OF THE INNOCENT SOLDIERS September 1997 From: waddy Irrawaddy Vol.5 NO.6 Children are always among the main victims in any war situation but rarely are they exposed to front-line conditions as frequently as in Burma. They are about 13 or 15 years old, wear army uniforms and carry war weapons. By all other measures they are still children, but it is not war games they play. Burmese history is full of stories of different kings at war with each other and the modern period since 1948–when the British surrendered their colonial rule–has been little different. Almost from the day the British lowered the Union Jack, Burma has been home to a continuous civil war described by some observers as one of the most complicated conflicts in the world. Many Burmese, including children, have suffered as a result of this ongoing civil war. Mothers have lost sons, villagers lost lands and students, their future. For children, they have lost their childhood. A report, "No Childhood At All" published by Thailand-based NGO Images Asia details how children have become among the main victims of the decades-old civil war in Burma. The research, an IA spokesman said, was conducted for the UN Graca Machel Study on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children. The report was prepared under the guidelines of the Graca Machel Study which defines "child soldiers" as combatants aged 18 and under. How many children have been killed in civil war? How many children have been recruited for fighting? How have government and rebel forces forced children to join their armies to fight "enemies?". There is no shortage of questions about child soldiers but there has been little in the way of comprehensive research on the issue. Observers, NGOs and international human rights organizations have very few clues to what goes on in this military-dominated country. One undeniable fact is that the Burmese armed forces (tatmadaw) and its foes have widely recruited child soldiers. "The use of children as soldiers in Burma results in serious human rights abuses. Children are killed, forcibly conscripted, unwillingly separated from their families, kidnapped, tortured during their service, forced to kill and torture, and due to the rampant corruption in the tatmadaw, are underpaid, or are not paid at all," IA said in its report. Unicef expressed its concern in 1992 saying, "many children are orphaned, abandoned, trafficked, exploited in the labour force, institutionalized or jailed. Some are used in drug-running, while others are targets of ethnic discrimination. In the civil war, children have become victims or participants in armed conflicts." Burma is the seventh poorest country in the world. Children in Burma suffer extreme poverty. Although children make up only 15 per cent of the population they account for half the country’s annual death rate. Infant mortality is estimated at 146/1000, with 175,000 infants dying every year, the UNDP report said. An estimated 80 per cent of students enrolled in primary school drop-out before completion. Some 35 per cent of children never enroll in primary school and only 25 per cent complete the five year cycle. Ethnic border regions are severely under-serviced. Worse still, in remote border areas, ethnic minorities have virtually no public services because of the conflicts. IA said children, especially young boys, are raised to revere military leaders of the past, and to look on military induction as a sign of manhood. In much of the popular media, the soldier is held up as the perfect role-model. Particularly among the ethnic groups, where many children grow up watching their fathers go to war, as their families and villagers are terrorized by the tatmadaw, devotion to the revolutionary cause is seen as the highest calling to which one can aspire. "Since 1988 the number of soldiers in tatmadaw has swollen. The tatmadaw recruited boys who are under 14," IA said. These boys are later sent to military training centres. Most recruits tend to be orphans, street children, criminals or those who have fled the front-line villages. "Anecdotal reports exist of such children being taken to places like Pegu, Prome, and Mandalay–cities at some distance from their homes, before they are forced in to armed service," IA said. Unicef officials have found evidence that boys could be "officially conscripted" into the military at age 14. Unicef also identified at least one residential Slorc military camp, near Kengtung in Shan State, where children aged seven and above [believed to be orphans] were being trained for a future life with the military. The tatmadaw is not alone–ethnic armed groups including Khun Sa’s Mong Tai Army (MTA), the Karen National Union, Wa and Kokang armies, Mon, Karenni, and Arakanese armies conscript children for their armies. The notorious "Tiger Camp" in Khun Sa-controlled territory was used for training thousands of children as soldiers for the MTA. The former Communist Party of Burma was reputed to use child soldiers for human wave attacks. Recruitment One Slorc soldier who defected to the Karen forces said he had joined tatmadaw when he was only 12. The defector, Aung Soe said: "They [Slorc] never check the registration papers showing your date of birth. In Light Infantry Battalion 202 alone there were more than 200 child soldiers. I think there were more children than adults." Recruitment by the tatmadaw is systematic, however, policies appear to differ over time and between various areas, IA reported. While the Slorc claims that the tatmadaw is a volunteer force and that the army does not accept recruits below 18 years of age, there is very strong evidence to suggest that children are widely and regularly conscripted into its forces. On the battlefield at Kawmoora in 1995, one porter described the SLORC soldiers he saw as "about 16, even 14 years old." "I’m telling the truth. They were scolding us, their elders, and some had voices that hadn’t even broken yet." Another boy said he lied about his age because he wanted to become a soldier. "I had to be 18 years old, but I knew people who were, 11, 12, 13, and they all claimed they were 18. Anyone can become soldier. It is easy to become a soldier in Burma." While some are joining the tatmadaw of their own will some are forced to become soldiers. "I was forced," Ye Kyaw said. "Five people had to go from each part of town every month. My only brother had already joined the army before 1988 because he had a fight with our mother. I was trained at No.6 Divisional Training Centre at Oke Twin for four months. There were 250 recruits in our group–the youngest was 15 or 16." Another said he spent his time wandering around with his friends. Finally at the age of 17 he joined the army. He was recruited in his home town and sent to Mingaladon, where he stayed for five days. He was sent to a training centre at Bagalee where he did basic training for four and a half months. Aye Myint joined the army of his own free will when he was 15 years old because he said his father’s income was not enough for his family’s survival. Like Aye Myint, soldiers who joined the army on their own admitted being a soldier is different as they have power. The power, Aye Myint said, made him feel really strong. One former MTA child soldier said. "They [MTA officials] sent a note to my house saying we have to send one boy for MTA." Sai Htin Lin (not his real name) became a foot soldier. If one family has three sons they are required to send one boy to the MTA when he is 10 or 12. But some who are sent by their parents receive a basic education in exchange for military service. Later Sai Htin Lin said many boys when they learned they had to serve in the MTA run away. He said there was no help from local Slorc officials. "They knew the MTA was coming to our town to recruit us but they didn’t help." But a Shan MTA commander told one of the researchers of IA, "What choice have they got? Opium addicts and sellers, Burmese soldiers, porters, and farmers are always harassed by the military... These children make more disciplined, brave and... nationalistic soldiers... They make the best fighters." The reason for recruiting boys is obvious. They are obedient, do not question orders, and are easier to manipulate than adult soldiers. But one Karen captain said use of child soldiers was more of a hindrance in battle than a help. Another Karen soldier who said he was conscripted by the KNU, said he was sent to the front-line areas. He said most of the child soldiers use M-16 automatic rifles or AK-47s. In 1992 alone, a KNU major said they ordered to recruit 5,000 soldiers for a battle at Sleeping Dog mountain. Most of the solders were very young. Roles and duties IA said: "Child soldiers have played various roles in the conflict: they have performed front-line/active combat duties, done cooking and other menial labour, stood sentry point duty, acted as bodyguards [a feature common in the ethnic armies especially] served as porters carrying ammunition and supplies, acted as spies or informants and been used as cannon fodder to draw the fire of their adversaries, and sometimes in human-wave attacks in which hundreds are usually killed." For child soldiers, fear is a major determining factor in their obedience and performance, IA said. In extreme cases, when child soldiers could no longer tolerate their own, or their friends’ mistreatment by senior officers, they were driven to either suicide or murder. One tatmadaw soldier said, "We fought because they are my enemy, and I am fighting for my survival, they are fighting for revolution." One defector, Aung Htay, said he had to carry G3 guns [German-made rifles] ... during the fighting with rebels. He said he was able to sink three boats with RPGS. But when they witnessed or experienced real hardship, maltreatment, and killings, child soldiers said they were shocked and horrified by what they saw. A child soldier, Sein Myint was ordered to beat a porter who later died. "My commander ordered me to beat and swear at the porters by beating and swearing at me." He said, "if I didn’t kill that porter, I would be killed myself, or punished by a senior officer. Sometimes I have to look after 60 or more porters. When my duty was to stand sentry, I released them all and they escaped." Some child soldiers according to the report were ordered to execute uncooperative local villagers and those suspected of collaborating with ethnic insurgents. Aung Tay, another young soldier, said he saw about 200 porters killed along the way to the front-line. "Because of this I escaped to [the border area]." Most child soldier defectors complained to IA about mistreatment at the hands of the tatmadaw. Most cited the abusive treatment they received from their officers and their revulsion with the army’s human rights abuses as their reasons for defecting. Child soldiers were beaten when they could not keep up, often a result of their small size and inexperience, but also because of injury and illness. They suffered both physical and emotional abuses. In addition, they were consistently underpaid. Soldiers and rank and file recruits received far less food than commanders and officers, and what they did receive was of highly inferior quality. Medicine and medical care was said to be grossly inadequate, and soldiers were frequently left to die without treatment if it was thought they might slow a column. Treatment and experiences As a result some were driven to defect. One of the child soldiers interviewed by IA described the case of Chit Ko, who was said to be from Rangoon. He was severely beaten by a corporal and later sent to the hospital. Chit Ko ended up blind and half-paralyzed. But some child soldiers who couldn’t tolerate their officers discovered a simpler way. They shot them and escaped. Maung Hla Tint said: "The night we ran away the officers were drinking and playing cards. Every night they were drinking and playing cards and if one of them was losing he yelled at the soldiers, beat us and abused us. "That night all the non-commissioned officers were drunk and they beat every soldier. Corporal Than Tun was losing and he beat every soldier." Finally, the young soldiers shot him and escaped. Ye Kyaw said he himself killed Cpl. Thein Win. "At 11 o’clock that night we went to our beds but we didn’t sleep. We just went down and shot him." Another soldier recalled seeing three child soldiers kill themselves. One boy went out at midnight to use the toilet and stuck the barrel of the gun in his mouth and pulled the trigger with his toes. Indeed, having no normal life, child soldiers are often depressed and suffer from diseases such as malaria to which children are especially susceptible. While there has not been any investigation into the effects of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) on child soldiers, most children report experiencing nightmares, depression, anxiety, insomnia, apathy, difficulty in their relations with others, and aggressive or withdrawn behaviour. IA said Burmese and Western doctors working in the border areas confirm these phenomena. Child soldiers said they were depressed, wanted to commit suicide, find work as labourers or go back to their homes. Ordinary soldiers receive about 600 kyat per month as a salary. If they lose an eye or a leg, they get approximately 10,000 kyat in compensation and are sent back to tatmadaw hospitals but there is no lifelong treatment plan and only a limited pension. Burma acceded to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991. At the same time they signed the Declaration and Plan of Action at the World Summit for Children. The National Programme of Action (CNPA) for the Survival, Protection, and Development of Burma’s Children in the 1990s was completed in September 1993. In 1993, the Slorc also promulgated a Child Law for the country and established an Inter-sectoral Committee on the Rights of the Child. Despite the Slorc’s extraordinary initial reservations about the UN Convention the move has broadened the UN mandate inside the country to cover human rights, and the issue of child soldiers. However, IA said Slorc continues to use child soldiers, more so now than ever as it continues to raise the number of men — and boys — under arms. Writen by a staff reporter. Source: Images Asia *************************************************** RANGOON TV MYANMAR NETWORK: AGRICULTURE MINISTER MYINT AUNG VISITS RUSSIA [translated from Burmese, abridged] October 7, 1997 A Myanmar [Burmese] delegation led by Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation Lt. Gen. Myint Aung returned home via Singapore by air yesterday after visiting the Russian Federation from 28 September to 4 October at the invitation of Mr. Khlystun, deputy prime minister and minister of agriculture and food. At 0900 on 29 September, the Myanmar delegation held detailed discussions with the Ministry of Agriculture and Food of the Russian Federation on the preparation of a memorandum of understanding on measures to increase agricultural and food production, the development of mechanized farming, and the increased utilization of water resources. On 4 October, the minister, accompanied by the Myanmar ambassador, visited the Kremlin Palace and museum. The memorandum of understanding on cooperation between the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation of the Union of Myanmar and the Ministry of Agriculture and Food of the Russian Federation was signed at 1400 and another memorandum of understanding between the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation of Myanmar and Hydro Projects (Stock) Joint Company of the Russian Federation for construction of multipurpose irrigation projects in Myanmar was signed at 1600. Under the terms of the memorandum of understanding, Russia and Myanmar agreed to step up relations to carry out the following: To send trainees to Russia for specialized degrees under the joint program to train and produce experts and to exchange experts; To obtain modern technology from Russia in developing land and water resources in Myanmar; To establish bilateral joint ventures and to obtain and use machinery and technology from Russia in switching to mechanized farming; To meet Myanmar's requirements for fertilizer through systems beneficial to both countries; To construct dams, to produce hydroelectric power, and to pump water from rivers for the constructive use of water resources in Myanmar. ************************************** CFOB ANNOUNCEMENT: ALAN CLEMENTS WILL BE IN TORONTO AND OTTAWA FOR PUBLIC TALKS October 11, 1997 From: Canadian Friends of Burma Attention all FBC members in Toronto and Ottawa!! Alan Clements, co-author of "The Voice of Hope" with Aung San Suu Kyi, will be in Toronto and Ottawa for public talks. Toronto Oct. 15 7:30pm Hart House Library 7 Hart House Circle University of Toronto sponsored by the Hart House Library Committee Ottawa Oct. 16 7:30pm Auditorium, Ottawa Public Library Free admission sponsored by Canadian Friends of Burma Email cfob@web.net for more information *************************************************** BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: ai268@freenet.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: [volunteer temporarily away] Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu High School Activism: [volunteer needed] History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu International Affairs: Julien Moe: moe@interport.net Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border Aung San Myint: aungsan@giasd101.vsnl.net.in Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Pipeline Campaign freeburma@irn.org Resettlement info: refugee_help@mail.serve.com Rakhaing (Arakan) history/culture Kyaw Tha Hla:thisthis@nyc.pipeline.com Rohingya culture volunteer needed Shan history/culture: Sao Hpa Han: burma@ix.netcom.com Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Teak Boycott Tim Keating: relief@igc.org Total - France Dawn Star: cd@utopia.EUnet.fr Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" volunteering: refugee_help@mail.serve.com World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Geographical Contacts: Massachusetts simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] --------------------------------------------------------------------------- FREE BURMA WEB PAGES: http://FreeBurma.org This single page serves only as an easy to remember URL and departure point to resources promoting the establishment of democracy in Burma. Please write to FreeBurma@pobox.com to add a site or for further information." - Glen, system administrator FREE BURMA COALITION: to get involved in the Free Burma Coalition, send a message to: zni@students.wisc.edu or visit their homepage, accessible through: http:// FreeBurma.org There is also an e-mail list-server especially for Free Burma activists BURMANET SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION: The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. It is produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF. We are also grateful to many other friends around the world who send us articles to post. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists. For a free subscription to the BurmaNet News: send a message to: majordomo@igc.apc.org a. For the BurmaNet News only: in the message, type: subscribe burmanews-l b. For the BurmaNet News and 4-5 other messages a day: in the message, type: subscribe burmanet-l (NOTE: all lower case letters, last letter is a lower case "L", not the numeral one). Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be sent to the editor at: strider@igc.apc.org ***************************************************