------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: October 21, 1997 Issue #849 HEADLINES: ========== AI: A CHALLENGE FOR THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY MAINICHI DAILY NEWS: BEGINNING OF A NEW ERA FOR BURMESE ABSDF-WB: INDO-BURMA BORDER NEWS AP: EXILES SAY BURMA USES FORCED LABOR THE GUARDIAN: BURMA PUTS NEW ETHICS TO THE TEST THE ECONOMIST: SOUTH-EAST ASIA IN DENIAL BOSTON GLOBE: QUINCY TAKES A WORLD VIEW ANNOUNCEMENT: ARCO WEEK OF ACTION OCT. 25 - OCT. 31! FBC ANNOUNCEMENT: MANUAL AND VIDEO DISTRIBUTION -------------------------------------------------------------------------- AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL: A CHALLENGE FOR THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY October 1997 From: anja sloot A CHALLENGE FOR THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY OCTOBER 1997 SUMMARY AI INDEX: ASA 16/28/97 DISTR: SC/CO The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC, Myanmar's military government) has shown a cynical contempt for the basic human rights of the Burmese people and for calls by the international community to improve its human rights record. Since the first United Nations (UN) General Assembly resolution was adopted on Myanmar in 1992, the SLORC has made almost no progress in implementing any of the recommendations made by the UN. Although some prisoners of conscience have been released since 1992, scores more have taken their place in prisons throughout the country. Repression of ethnic minorities continues unabated by the SLORC, in spite of 15 cease-fire agreements with armed ethnic minority groups. Radical restrictions on the rights to freedom of speech, assembly and movement remain in place for all citizens in Myanmar. In 1997 the SLORC continued to use short term arrests as a tactic to intimidate political activists, a tactic employed since their seizure of power in 1988. Hundreds of political activists, most of them members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the largest legal opposition political party, were arrested in the first six months of 1997. Although the majority of these people were held for brief periods, at least 57 others were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. Renewed NLD activity since the release of party leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 1995 has been matched by increasing repression of party members by Military Intelligence (MI). Amnesty International remains concerned by the SLORC's use of both short-term detention and long sentences of imprisonment as methods to repress peaceful political activities in Myanmar. In spite of the fact that from 1992 -1995 the authorities reportedly released over 2,000 political prisoners, there are well over 1,200 political prisoners currently held throughout the country. Their numbers are growing steadily, particularly since the SLORC's renewed crackdown on the NLD beginning in 1996. Ninety-three of these are prisoners of conscience and hundreds more are possible prisoners of conscience, about whom Amnesty International is seeking further information. This year also saw continuing widespread repression by the SLORC of ethnic minority civilians. Thousands of Rohingyas, Muslims from the Rakhine (Arakan) State, fled from poverty, forcible relocations and forced labour into neighbouring Bangladesh. A forcible relocation program in early 1997 in the Shan State caused tens of thousands of ethnic minorities to flee into Thailand. In February the SLORC launched a large offensive against the Karen National Union (KNU), the last major armed ethnic minority group not to have agreed a cease-fire, which resulted in some 20,000 civilians fleeing from fighting and human rights violations into Thailand. Refugees from the Shan, Karenni, and Karen ethnic minority groups provided detailed information about extrajudicial executions, forced labour and portering, and forcible relocations accompanied by cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. On 23 July 1997 Myanmar was formally admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at its summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Since Myanmar became an ASEAN member, non-governmental organiz- ations and ASEAN dialogue partners. Dialogue partners include the EU, New Zealand, Australia, Japan, Canada, and the USA, have urged ASEAN nations to pursue the issue of human rights in Myanmar with their new regional partner, but no improvements have been forthcoming. For the last nine years the international community has repeatedly called on the SLORC to improve Myanmar's human rights record. However frustrated by the lack of responsiveness on the part of the SLORC, it has never been more important to sustain and increase this pressure, especially as Myanmar is brought into broader international contact through its membership in ASEAN. In this regard Amnesty International calls on the 52nd UN General Assembly to adopt a strong resolution on Myanmar. The resolution should call on the SLORC to: - release all 93 prisoners of conscience immediately and unconditionally - improve prison conditions in Myanmar. As a first step, grant immediate access to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to all prisoners in the country. - either charge all political prisoners with recognizably criminal offences and try them in accordance with international standards for fair trial, or release them immediately. - grant immediate and complete access to the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, in accordance with his mandate. Since his appointment in 1996 he has not been permitted to visit Myanmar. KEYWORDS: This report summarizes a 12-page document ( 4, 871 words) Myanmar: A Challenge to the International Community (AI Index: ASA 16/28/97) issued by Amnesty International in October 1997. Anyone wishing further details or to take action on this issue should consult the full document. INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT, 1 EASTON STREET, LONDON WC1X 8DJ, UNITED KINGDOM ******************************************** MAINICHI DAILY NEWS: BEGINNING OF A NEW ERA FOR BURMESE POLITICS October 20, 1997 By Aung San Suu Kyi "Congress" Letter from Burma (No. 9) By Aung San Suu Kyi The 27th of September is the anniversary of the founding of the National League for Democracy (NLD). Nine years ago on that day, U Tin U and I went to the offices of the Multi Party General Elections Commission to register our party. I have only a vague recollection of the occasion: sitting at a table exchanging courtesies with the staff of the commission, putting my signature to relevant papers. That was how it all began. The history of the NLD has been a turbulent one. We started as an amalgamation of three forces. Chairman U Aung Gyi, a well known retired brigadier headed one group which included politicians, retired army officers and businessmen. Deputy Chairman U Tin U, one time commander in chief and defense minister, headed the group which was made up entirely of retired armed services personnel who had gathered together to work for democracy as "patriotic old comrades." The group that I headed was made up largely of writers, lawyers, doctors, teachers and technicians. U Aung Gyi and his followers left the NLD within a matter of months and founded their own party. U Tin U became the chairman and the two remaining forces in the NLD gradually merged into a cohesive whole. The early days of the NLD were hectic ones. Before we managed to rent a nearby house for our office, my home was used as the unofficial headquarters of the party. Even after we acquired our official quarters much of the work still had to be carried on in my house and came to be divided into three realms: one for the NLD, one for my mother who lay ill and one for my private use. As party activities increased, we put up thatched, bamboo sheds in the garden and transformed part of the garage complex into storerooms and living quarters for the staff. An unfinished building in the garden was also patched up to provide accommodation for some young people who had come together as an informal political organization during the revolutionary days of August 1988. The front hall, dining room and pantry of my house were transformed into reception rooms and offices. Going across from the offices to the part of the house where my mother lay was like entering an oasis of quiet medical care. Her room opened out on to a verandah and had a pleasant view of the lake through a tangle of palms and casuarinas. The doctors, nurses and friends attending to her were soft spoken and cheerful and the calm atmosphere provided a welcome change from the turmoil of political work. The rooms on the first floor that I so grandly referred to as my private realm were in a state of chaos in those days. All the furniture and bric a brac that had to be removed from the rooms used for the NLD and for my mother were brought upstairs so that it was a little like an overstocked second hand shop. (It was only after I was placed under detention that I had time to bring order to the chaos and to create a comfortable study and bedroom, the two rooms where I spent most of the six years of my house arrest.) My house is at number 54 University Avenue and the first NLD headquarters was at number 44, so it was just a few minutes walk away. This made University Avenue a busy political thoroughfare. A couple of tea shops sprouted in the area and various food vendors took up position along the street, providing ready meeting points for our workers and visitors. During the three days of the water festival of 1989 when the party organized a competition of rhyming choruses and satirical skits which is traditional during that time of the year, the road was blocked with an audience of thousands. Some would come early in the morning with a packed lunch so they could sit through the day long performances and motor traffic had to be diverted. The political activities in the street came to an abrupt halt after I was placed under house arrest in July 1989. The office had to be moved a few months later as the landlady did not feel in a position to renew the lease. It was only on a few rare occasions during the next six years that I had the sense that anything was going on in University Avenue. There was the time just before the elections of May 27, 1990 when a car went slowly past my house making the announcement that supporters of the NLD should vote for the Democracy Party. I had been put up as the NLD candidate for the area, but the candidate of the National Unity Party (the erstwhile Burma Socialist Program Party) had lodged an objection on the grounds that I was married to a non Burmese and that I had received support from the foreign media. His objection was rejected by the township elections commission, but it was accepted by the Rangoon division commission. Consequently, the NLD was left without a candidate. On May 26, 1990, arrangements were made for me to cast my vote at home, one day ahead of the elections. Keeping in mind the announcement I had heard a few days previously I voted for the Democracy Party, an act which filled me with a tremendous sense of solidarity and satisfaction. Such a sense of solidarity and satisfaction must have been experienced by the millions who went to the polls the next day to vote for a democratic government. But as it became obvious that the authorities had no intention of honoring the results of the elections disillusionment began to set in. And as the people saw their hopes of a quick transition to democracy fading, the street outside my house seemed to grow quieter. The only times that I was aware of any activity were during the water festivals when carloads of young people doing the rounds of the water throwing stations shouted out greetings to me as they went past. University Avenue became more lively after my release from house arrest, especially at weekends when our supporters gathered to hear U Kyi Maung, U Tin U and I speak about the political economic and social conditions within our country. But the authorities placed increasing restrictions on the activities of the NLD, culminating in December 1996 with a blockade of the road to my house. Thrice over the last 18 months, the authorities have interfered with our plans to hold a party congress. The first time in May 1996, our elected members of Parliament who had been invited to attend the congress were arrested. The second time, in September 1996, NLD members who had come to attend the congress arranged to be held at my house were denied entry. Again in May 1997 when we arranged another congress, the authorities adopted similar measures. As September 1997 approached, we discussed plans for yet another congress. After studying the situation from all angles we decided that we would persist in our determination to exercise our fight as a legally registered political party to hold periodic meetings. The response of the members of the NLD who were invited to the congress was most heartening. Even knowing full well that there was no guarantee that the meeting would take place and that they might be courting arrest, they came in their hundreds from all over the country, defying the monsoon rains and floods, rising transport costs and, in some cases, the threats of their local authorities. Their courage and dogged perseverance were rewarded: this time we were able to hold our congress. Of course there were still some hitches an some harassment but the authorities were more cooperative than they had been for a long time. We sincerely hope that this the beginning of a more enlightened era of politics in Burma. ****************************************** ABSDF-WB: INDO-BURMA BORDER NEWS October 20, 1997 From: Zaw Zaw A peaceful demonstration at Falam Nursing college of Chin State was carried out by first year students. There was a peaceful demonstration at Falam Nursing college, Chin state by first year students from this college. At the end of the first week of October, the female students from this college went to the chairman of the Law and Order Restoration Council of Falam township, to discuss allowing the students 10 days October holiday for the Khwar-Do festival (New year celebration of all Chin nationalities) and lighting festival of Buddhism. In this period they wanted to go back their home and stay together with their families. Lt. Col. Ye Htut, Secretary of Chin State Law and Order Restoration Council was informed step by step by township chairman of Falam and he replied that there is no holiday at lighting festival and Khwar-Do festival for all 18 Nursing colleges in Burma and he would not allow it. So, students from first year, 36 in number and all female, started their demonstration peacefully by not attending class just after lunch, as they disliked the reply of authorities. They were lying on the beds inside the hostel after closing all doors & windows. Although the teachers Daw Khin Sanda, Daw Cho Cho Lwin and Daw May Aye Myint went there to persuade the students to calm the situation, the students resolutely refused to open the doors. So assistant In-Charge of administrative body of the college Dr. Than Than Aye called an emergency meeting to solve the present agitation of students. Professor Dr. Kyaw Kyaw Myint, ENT professor and Matron attended the meeting. All of them wanted to solve this problem at the lower level, and to prevent the higher authorities from finding out. So they sent Mrs. Daw Khun Sun Yaung, a senior nurse and other three blue-stuff nurses to persuade the students. The teachers said to the students that they should not create such kind of demonstration, that they could ask whatever they wanted through proper channels, that they shouldn't give their teachers a headache, and they should attend the classes regularly starting from tomorrow. The students are continued the demonstration in the evening also by not taking their dinner. So professor Dr. Kyaw Kyaw Myint went and discussed with the chairman of Falam township Law and order Restoration Council. After step by step information, the secretary of Chin State Law and Order Restoration Council Lt. Col. Ye Htut, unofficially agreed to allow the students their return home for 10 days October vacation for lighting festival and Khwar-Do festival. When the authorities asked the students; -Who led this demonstration? -Who ordered the students not to attend the class? -Who suggested closing the doors and windows of the hostel? -Who instructed them not to take dinner? But the students replied that all unanimously took part in everything on their own individual decision. Now the twenty students, out of 36 students from first year of this nursing college have gone back to their home after getting agreement from authorities as understanding, not officially, Now the authorities from Falam are seriously investigating the question of who were the leaders of that demonstration. News and Information Unit ABSDF (Western-Burma) Date-20/10/97 ***************************************** AP: EXILES SAY BURMA USES FORCED LABOR October 20, 1997 BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- Burma's military government is using forced labor to build tourist facilities at a national park, a student group in exile said Monday. Burma's government, meanwhile, accused U.S. diplomats of interfering in the country's internal affairs and warned it may consider downgrading diplomatic ties to the United States and other Western nations, Burma's state-run press reported. A villager who escaped from Burma said he was among 150 villagers rounded up each week by the Burmese military to work without food or pay at a marine national park on Lampi Island, off Burma's southern coast. About 400 Burmese prisoners also are used as forced labor in the project, the villager told the All Burma Students Democratic Front in Thailand. A 1996 report by the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon estimated that forced labor accounts for about 3 percent of Burma's gross domestic product. Burma's military government admits it uses forced labor to build infrastructure, but says its citizens are happy to contribute, in keeping with Burmese traditions. The marine park is one of two environmental projects the Burmese government is developing in the Mergui Archipelago, a chain of about 800 islands in the Andaman Sea. The other is the Myinmolekat Nature Reserve. The student group estimated that 80,000 villagers on the islands have been forcibly relocated to make way for the parks. There are reports that villagers who protested were killed. The student group also said soldiers killed 40 villagers and arrested 200 on Lampi Island at the beginning of this year. Until the past two years, Burma's southern peninsula and islands were out of the military's reach and mostly controlled by ethnic groups. But the army launched several offensives in the past two years to gain control. Burma's state-run press, meanwhile, lashed out at diplomats from five Western countries for attending a congress of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's political party in September. In an opinion piece, the New Light of Myanmar accused Western diplomats of interfering in the internal affairs of Burma, suggesting their actions were so shameful they should commit suicide. The only country named was the United States, although the military government has expressed displeasure in the past with diplomats from the United States, Great Britain, Australia, France and Germany. Burma's newspapers are under the tight control of the military government and opinion pieces are frequently written by military intelligence officers under pen names. The article, signed by ``Pauk Sa,'' warned that ``diplomatic ties can be downgraded ... due to the malpractices of the so-called diplomats.'' **************************************************** THE GUARDIAN: BURMA PUTS NEW ETHICS TO THE TEST September 1, 1997 John Jackson Labour has a chance to redeem tarnished image of its foreign policy if it learns from Thatcher's errors on apartheid and backs sanctions, argues John Jackson. THROUGHOUT the 1980s the Thatcher government vigorously opposed sanctions against South Africa. The black leaders in South Africa, then in prison now in government, know their cause was being undermined by such a policy. Tony Blair's government now has a golden opportunity to see that history does not repeat itself. The challenge is Burma, a country which may help the Foreign Secretary to redeem the tarnished image of his ethical foreign policy. Burma's military rulers, who bear the Orwellian acronym SLORC, have an appalling record. Human Rights Watch estimates that about two million men, women and children are being used as forced labour on infrastructure projects, much of it aimed at developing the tourist industry. Over one million people have been forcibly removed from their homes to areas without basic amenities. And still the military refuse to hand power to the party of the Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, which won a landslide election victory in 1990. Burma's people have been made poor yet their country is resource rich. For these reasons the international momentum for sanctions against the regime has been building. Companies such as Pepsi, Apple and Heineken have withdrawn from Burma. Consumer pressure in the UK has led British Home Stores, The Burton Group and most recently River Island to do the same. The United States government has gone the furthest in terms of official sanctions by banning any American citizen or company from new investment in Burma. But probably the most significant legislation has been produced by US city and state authorities such as New York, San Francisco, California, and Massachusetts. They have enacted laws barring procurement contracts with companies doing business in Burma. The European Commission is pressing the US government to invalidate the Massachusetts law in particular, alleging that it violates a 1995 agreement on government procurement. It has initiated formal proceedings against the US at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The EC's motivation is obvious: European companies such as Total, Unllever, and Premier Oil are potential "victims" of such selective purchasing policies. However, European institutions are not of one view; in June the European Parliament passed a unanimous resolution supporting the Massachusetts law while urging the commission not to proceed with the WTO disputes procedure. On this side of the Atlantic things have been much slower. The EU refuses to issue visas to the SLORC's officials or their families and has also withdrawn the trade privileges Burma enjoyed as a developing country. Many argue that sanctions will no work especially in the light of Burma's admission to the Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean) in July. But the omens have not been good. With Burma's joining came a regional currency crisis. Malaysia's prime minister, Mahathir Mohammad, accused George Soros of politically motivated speculation against Asean members' currencies. Mr Soros is known to support the pro-democracy lobby on Burma and has argued for sanctions against the regime. It is unlikely that Mr Soros has planned the downfall of the region's currencies, but it does seem that Asean's Burma-related difficulties will continue. Burma's membership may well lead human rights activists to target South-east Asian companies with consumer boycotts, while next April's Asia-Europe summit in Britain could be difficult if, as indicated, Burmese delegates are refused UK visas. Asean's treasured rule has always been not to interfere in the internal affairs of its members. The coup in Cambodia forced it to break that rule by refusing Cambodia's entry to the grouping and intervening diplomatically. A similar approach to Burma could fend off future difficulties. Asean was lucky with Cambodia because that country's political turmoil blew up before it was able to get into the group. Burma is in, and political turmoil could be on the horizon: its currency recently devalued by half while the price of staples such as rice has risen dramatically and 30 universities and colleges have remained closed since December for fear of civil unrest. Asean needs to abandon its failed policy of "constructive engagement" with the SLORC and instead initiate a policy of "constructive intervention" as it did with Cambodia. If Asean is expected to take all the flak for admitting Burma, it should expect something from the SLORC in return. This should come in the form of serious dialogue between the SLORC and Burma's democratic leaders. Asean will not be expected to do public U-turns or lose face. The most important measure will be moves towards democracy. Sooner or later, Asean will see such intervention in its own interest. In the meantime continued and increased pressure will strengthen the possibility of that intervention. This is where Britain can take a lead. Robin Cook's tour of Southeast Asia has brought up the issue of human rights in the region. The Government can take steps now: it should seek to have the European Commission proceedings against the American government at the WTO terminated, it should argue for the continued denial of World Bank and IMF assistance to the SLORC when those institutions meet next month, it should work closely with Scandinavian countries and design firmer sanctions against Burma for the EU. The Government says it has not ruled out the possibility of economic sanctions; as it prepares for its presidency of the EU what better time to rule sanctions in. With South Africa we were wrong, with Burma we can be right. ------------------------ John Jackson is a founder member of the Burma Action Group and an adviser on its campaigns policy *************************************************** THE ECONOMIST: SOUTH-EAST ASIA IN DENIAL October 18, 1997 Just as South-East Asians are trying to believe that their smog-filled air is now clearing, so they dare to think that the worst of their currency troubles are also dispersing. Certainly, some of their governments seem to be taking economic action. This week Thailand unveiled its plan to meet the terms of a $17.2 billion bailout by the IMF; the Fund's officials arrived in Indonesia to help with restructuring; and Malaysia was set to announce a budget for its newly straitened circumstances. Yet the region's policy-makers are still avoiding the central issues, hoping for a quick fix. Like the fires that smoulder on in Indonesia, South-East Asia's economic troubles need monsoon treatment rather than a brief downpour. Worryingly, some politicians still deny the causes of the crisis, which lie at home, not abroad. The finger-pointers' champion is Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's prime minister, who in his latest outburst hinted at a Jewish conspiracy. Such accusations are disturbing, but not surprising. For a decade or more, South-East Asian leaders have been persuaded of their own invincibility by the formidable performance of their economics, and by projections_many by westerners_that their spectacular growth would continue forever. Whenever criticisms were levelled, about, say, authoritarian governments, cronyism or social inequity, these were swept aside as the whingeing of the liberal representatives of a decadent order. Unfortunately, just as the miracle of Asian growth was oversold, so its decline is now being undersold (see page 27): the current problems are, says Singapore's prime minister, Goh Chok Tong, mere "hiccups". Really? The crisis certainly does not have to end in disaster. However defiantly some of their political superiors may be talking, officials in the four countries worst affected_Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines_are trying to reshape their economies. Some even believe they will bounce back stronger than before, and they could be right: Mexico has rebounded from the currency crisis that laid it low in 1994. But Mexicans had lived through similar batterings in the past, and had some idea how to survive them. They were also prepared for the necessary belt-tightening and reform that had always followed. Most South-East Asians are not. Moreover, Mexico's currency troubles started to affect the real economy pretty quickly; the impact in South-East Asia is likely to come more slowly. Indeed, the full effects of the currency crisis_now four months old, at least in Thailand_have yet to hit. Austerity programmes have barely begun, jobs still have to be shed and companies that are technically bust but slogging on will inevitably go out of business. The extent of the pain to come is unclear: many foreign-currency loans are yet to fall due, and the value of shares and property pledged as collateral for those loans (and sometimes pledged several times over) has fallen. All this means South-East Asia's difficulties may well get worse before they get better. They may also spread. On October 14th, Vietnam became the latest country in the region to have to devalue its currency. Optimists would feel more confident if they saw action to tackle the most serious problems. One is the tendency to keep awkward facts secret. Thailand's politicians long denied their country faced any financial difficulties. Indonesia is widely believed to have twice as much foreign and private debt outstanding as the official figures suggest. Then there is the influence of vested interests. Thailand's politicians promised this week never to be so naughty as to interfere in reform at the behest of patrons. They had perhaps been stung by the recent resignation, in protest at just such meddling, of a senior official overseeing reform. But few believe the link between politics and patronage has been broken. In most parts of the region, it has been the well-connected who have got the plum concessions and the juiciest contracts. No secret of this was made during the boom, when some businessmen would boast of their political connections. Now such cronyism is less fashionable, yet the cartels and monopolies it bred_notably in Indonesia, around President Suharto's family-are still there. THOSE THE BOOM BYPASSED In time these links between the rich and the powerful will have political consequences. They might have done already, had high economic growth not acted as a buffer against the sense of injustice felt by many South-East Asians. These people are not the new rich; they are the still poor, who live in urban shanties and slums or scratch a living in the countryside. Many already believe they have missed out on the boom. Now there will be more of them. The inability of political systems to hear their voices carries enormous risk. They will be tempted to seek scapegoats, perhaps among the ethnic Chinese who hold so much of South-East Asia's wealth and who have suffered so much terrible violence in the past. If South-East Asia can at least avoid igniting this ethnic tinder box, then it may benefit from one lesson learnt from similar troubles in Latin America: that regions need not behave regionally. Just as Argentina and Brazil are different from Mexico, so Malaysia may be different from Indonesia, which may be different from Thailand. Countries that are open, honest and responsive to their citizens' concerns are likely to be the ones that flourish. The ones that flounder will be those that wait for the rain to wash their problems away. ******************************************************* BOSTON GLOBE: QUINCY TAKES A WORLD VIEW October 18, 1997 By Theo Emery, Globe Correspondent City councilors in Quincy, a city traditionally more concerned with potholes and pocketbooks than foreign policy, will cast their eyes overseas Monday when they vote on a proposed ordinance targeting the government of Burma, which has been repeatedly accused of human rights violations. If the selective purchasing ordinance passes, the vote will mark this working-class city's first sojourn into the international human rights arena. It will also vault Quincy ahead of Brookline and Newton as the first municipality to follow the state government's example in sanctioning corporations doing business in the southeast Asian nation. "The whole effort was a genuine grass-roots effort," said Councilor Paul Harold, sponsor of the proposal. "We can help a country that is in need of help. I had a chance to visit South Africa during apartheid, and I'm very much aware of the impact of leading the way for other communities and building the case for change in Burma." While acknowledging that his South Shore city of 87,000 has typically "not been on the cutting edge of radical social change," the Rev. Sheldon W. Bennett, pastor of the United First Parish Church, said residents are keenly aware of the city's historical role in fostering democracy. Early US presidents John Adams and son John Quincy Adams were both born in Quincy and were members of First Parish Church's congregation. A dozen or so members of that congregation have played pivotal roles in shoring up support for the Burma ordinance. "Quincy stands for liberty and institutions of democratic government," said Bennett. "It's important that we take a leadership role in upholding those values. The City Council is responding to issues that touch on those themes." Since 1988, Burma, which is also known as Myanmar, has been ruled by the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the ruling junta that annulled a 1990 landslide election of the opposition National League for Democracy, headed by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Since then, the council's well-documented human rights abuses have made Suu Kyi an international symbol of human rights and democracy. Quincy's support for democracy in Burma has surprised even boycott advocates. After presenting councilors with a petition of more than 1,000 names, they saw the ordinance win preliminary approval Oct. 6 on an 8-1 vote. It is widely believed the ordinance will pass on Monday, and Quincy Mayor James Sheets said yesterday he will sign the law when it reaches his desk. Councilor at Large Tim Cahill cast the only vote against the ordinance. He said it runs contrary to the sentiments of this solidly Democratic, socially conservative city. Cahill noted there are more than 250 companies doing business in Burma and Quincy contracts yearly with some 13,000 vendors. This could create a "logistical nightmare," he said, that will distract officials from the more mundane business of running the city. "It's a feel-good measure," said Cahill. "It's not what I was elected to do. When small city governments start to act like they know better than the president or the State Department, people laugh at that. We have to look out for our own citizens. I don't see how this really is going to help the people of that country." Unlike the statewide selective purchasing law, which financially handicaps but does not completely exclude companies competing for contracts, the city ordinance would deny contracts to companies that are unable to present documentation certifying that they have no investment or business in Burma. Among companies that could not do business with Quincy if the ordinance passes are Texaco and Atlantic Richfield. Most advocates of the ordinance agree it is largely symbolic, with minimal financial impact. But with Quincy poised to join 12 other US municipalities that have leveled sanctions against Burma, the true impact of such laws is as an example for other communities, said Simon Billenness, senior analyst at Franklin Research and Development Corp., a Boston investment firm, and an advocate of Burma sanctions. Newton's Board of Aldermen is to discuss its own selective purchasing ordinance on Wednesday. On Tuesday, Brookline selectmen unanimously approved their own version of the selective purchasing law, clearing the way for delegates to Brookline's Town Meeting to vote on the law Nov. 4. "This clearly shows that sanctions on Burma have solid support in the Main Streets of Massachusetts," said Billenness. ****************************************** ANNOUNCEMENT: ARCO WEEK OF ACTION OCT. 25 - OCT. 31! October 20, 1997 maje@hevanet.com from: No Petro-Dollars for SLORC and Project Maje ARCO (Atlantic Richfield Co.), based in Los Angeles, is one of two American oil companies remaining in Burma. In November, an ARCO board meeting may determine whether ARCO leaves Burma or continues in its business venture with SLORC. Therefore pressure is needed this month to convince them that staying in Burma would be the wrong move! This pressure can use three approaches: 1. Informing the members of ARCO's Board of Directors: Please send them letters to convince them that dealing with SLORC is bad for business, bad for ARCO's image, and harmful to the people of Burma. Activists everywhere should send these letters! A list of Board members, with addresses, is included at the end of this alert. ARCO Board members are located in LA, San Francisco, Chicago, Maryland and Philadelphia; they have academic connections with Occidental, U of Maryland, UC Berkeley, Stanford, Dartmouth, Princeton and U of Chicago. If you are in any of those places/colleges, contact Project Maje for action ideas. 2. Demonstrations: A week of action on ARCO will take place Saturday October 25 to sunday October 31. During that week, demonstrations should take place at as many ARCO gas stations as possible. ARCO has gas stations (often with AM/PM mini convenience stores) in California, Arizona, Nevada, Oregon and Washington states. If you are in one of those states, plan a gas station demo for that last week of October. Remember, a demo can be as small as one person to hold a sign and one person to hand out flyers. At the start of your demo give a letter to the station manager, asking them to inform ARCO that the Burma involvement is a problem for their business (contact Project Maje for suggested letter text). You can use a Halloween theme, with skull masks/makeup, signs linking (N)ARCO and SLORC heroin death business; and hand out small wrapped candies with ARCO flyers. Contact Project Maje for flyer text. BE SURE to take photos of your demonstration; have them developed right away, and send a demo photo (labeled with time and place) to each of the Board members immediately afterwards. 3. Petition drive: Burma activists in states where there are no ARCO gas stations can gather petition signatures during the week of action. Create a petition stating that ARCO's business in Burma involves them with a brutal regime accused of large-scale heroin dealing; the signers of the petition ask ARCO to leave Burma immediately, and will not use ARCO gas stations or AM/PM mini-marts (when they are in those regions) until ARCO is out of Burma. (Petition text at end of this alert). Activists can "trick or treat for Burma" by tabling or circulating the petitions and giving a small wrapped candy, or plastic spider to anyone who signs the petitions. BE SURE to send your signed petitions to: Mr. Mike Bowlin, CEO, ARCO, 515 S. Flower St., Los Angeles CA 90071; IMMEDIATELY on November 1st! List of ARCO Board members: Inside (for these, use ARCO address: 515 S. Flower St., Los Angeles CA 90071): Mr. Lodwrick Cook; Mr. Anthony Fernandes; Ms. Marie L. Knowles; Mr. William E. Wade. Outside: Mr. John Gavin, President, Gamma International, 550 S. Hope St., ste. 1950, Los Angeles CA 90071-2604 Dr. Hanna H. Gray, Professor Emeritus, University of Chicago, 5801 S. Ellis, Chicago IL 60637 Mr. Philip M. Hawley, 444 S. Flower St., ste. 2280, Los Angeles CA 90071 Mr. Kent Kresa, CEO, Northrup Grumman Corp., 1840 Century Park East, Los Angeles CA 90067 Mr. David McLaughlin, CEO, The Aspen Institute, PO Box 222, Carmichael Rd., Queenstown MD 21658-0222 Mr. Frank D. Boren, President, Sustainable Conservation, 45 Belden Place, San Francisco CA 94104 Mr. John Slaughter, President, Occidental College, 1600 Campus Rd., Los Angeles CA 90041 Mr. Henry Wendt, Chairman, SmithKline Beecham Inc., PO Box 7929, 1 Franklin Plaza, Philadelphia PA 19102-1225 Petition: For the Withdrawal of ARCO from Burma We, the undersigned, demand that ARCO cease its operations in Burma immediately. ARCO's petroleum venture is in partnership with Burma's SLORC regime, through the Myanma Oil & Gas Enterprise, an agency implicated in money laundering for Burma's massive heroin trade. The SLORC, a brutal military dictatorship, is dependend on investors such as ARCO for hard currency payments which it uses for the purchase of weapons from China, and for future revenues from the sale of natural resources. Burma's legitimate government, the National League for Democracy, led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, has called for foreign investors, including ARCO, to leave Burma. In support of freedom for Burma, we will boycott ARCO stations and mini-marts until ARCO severs its ties with Burma's SLORC regime. ARCO MUST LEAVE BURMA IMMEDIATELY! Name Address Signature For more information contact Project Maje: maje@hevanet.com; please include your fax number if requesting flyer text or gas station letter. ****************************************************** FBC ANNOUNCEMENT: MANUAL AND VIDEO DISTRIBUTION October 20, 1997 From: FBC Manuals Also the FBC has just published the most comprehensive campaign manual. If you are associated with an educational institution or simply a community member with an access to a pbulic library, please advise the librarians to order copies of "the Free Burma Coalition Manual: How you can help Burma's struggle for freedom" (Free Burma Coalition, 1997: Madison, WI). Copies are available for $10 each including shipping and handling. Order information: Please make the check payable to "National Coalition for Democracy" and the address for sending it: National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma 815 Fifteenth Street. NW Suite 910 Washington, DC 20005 Phone: (202)-393-7342 Fax: (202)-393-7343 Email: beauz@erols.com "Burma Diary", a Free Burma videodocumentary The FBC will be distributing copies of "Burma Diary" (55 min) by Jeannie Hallacy, the best documentary on the lives of student revolutionaries who have given their education, youth, and families inside Burma. If you (and/or your group) is interested in obtaining a copy (or copies) of Burma Diary, please contact the above address. As campaign promotion, we'll be distributing the tapes at cost (including shipping fee). $10 per copy for the orders within the United States. If you are ordering it from outside of the U.S. please add $5 to cover the international postage. The FBC Conference Report We plan to post the report of FBC's recent conference at UCLA. Finally, for the interests of those who wish to learn more about the possible course of actions which they can take in support of the democracy movement outside, please visit "Essentials of the Free Burma Movement at the FBC website at http://wicip.org/fbc peace, love,and hope, zarni *****************************************