------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: November 1, 1997 Issue #858 HEADLINES: ========== BURMA ISSUES: IMPENDING REPATRIATION AT NOH PHO BKK POST: SLORC HEAD'S BROTHER TO FACE LEGAL ACTION FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: BURMA ROAD FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: WASHING UP THE NATION: RANGOON DELIBERATES OVER PLEA TO FREE THAIS ALL BURMESE STUDENTS' STATEMENT: CHINA AND SLORC BKK POST: NEW HOLDING CENTRES SOUGHT FOR BURMESE INSIDE INDONESIA: LOVE AT FIRST SIGHT - SLORC MEETS ABRI BKK POST: YOUNG ASEM LOOKS AT DOWNTURN NATION: WITH FRIENDS LIKE SLORC, WHO NEEDS ENEMIES? -------------------------------------------------------------------------- BURMA ISSUES: IMPENDING REPATRIATION AT NOH PHO October 31, 1997 From: Burma Issues IMPENDING REFOULEMENT? The following is a brief summary of information just received from reliable confidential sources regarding immediate conditions for recent arrivals in Umphang district, Tak province, Thailand, 30 October 1997. Approximately 2,000 new arrivals from Burma have crossed into Thailand in the last month in Umphang, Tak province. The new arrivals are mainly from Kaw Ka Reik and Kyarin Seik Kyi township, and along the Thai-Burma border adjacent to Umphang district (KNU 6th Brigade area). Thai authorities have denied these people entry into Noh Pho camp in Umphang district, but have temporarily allowed these people to camp in the surrounding jungle area and receive aid from the Burma Border Consortium (the BBC) as well as other quasi-formal assistance. However, it has been reported by the Noh Pho camp leader that soldiers from the Thai Army visited these people yesterday, and told them to return to Burma as Thailand is not willing to continue granting sanctuary. Thailand has not announced an official policy of repatriation, but there have been instances on the ground of temporary shelter being allowed to new arrivals followed by swift refoulement before attention can be focused on them. Their isolation/inaccessibility has been exacerbated by lack of access due to the rainy season road conditions, and a policy of denying access to independent third party monitors. The latest arrivals fled oppression suffered under newly stationed Burma Army units who arrived in these areas during June this year as part of the latest anti-KNU offensive. They tell a litany of human rights abuses endured - forced labour, forced portering, extortion of porter fees, extrajudicial executions, deliberate strategies to incite religious tension, and forced relocations. [Burma Issues note: we have video interviews regarding these human rights violations and are in the process of translating them into English. After translation, they will be released] In the last week of September, many villagers began making their way to the Thai-Burma border. People hid during the day, moving at night in an attempt to cross into Thailand. The Burma Army has now closed access to the border, and approximately 100 families are unable to cross. On September 30, Burma Army officials crossed the border and met with the Thai village head of Lay Taw Kho, two religious representatives of the new arrivals, and the regional Thai Border Patrol police unit, and again during the first week of October. The Burma Army spokesman demanded the new arrivals return to Burma. The new arrivals refused as their request for the army to promise not to use force once returned was rejected. Apparently the second in command of the battalion said words to the effect that "we are the army and we do not listen to civilian demands." The new arrivals have been very concerned about their security as they are vulnerable to attack in Thailand, since access to Noh Pho camp has been denied and they are located close to the border. On October 29, soldiers of one Thai Army division arrived at two villages around Noh Pho camp where the new arrivals have been taking shelter - Kwe Le Taw and Htee Saw Shee - and told them through a refugee interpreter that they could no longer stay in Thailand, and must return to Burma. They apparently said the order comes from their superior officer. If this group of new arrivals is repatriated it will constitute an act of refoulement, as these arrivals have sought sanctuary in Thailand on account of a well-founded fear of persecution by the Burma Army sanctioned by the government. The Burma Army battalion in the area has refused to promise that force will not be used upon the return of the arrivals to their villages. The Thai authorities policy of denying access to refugee camps combined with other pressures on them to return, is alarming. Equally alarming is that these new arrivals may be refouled without the knowledge of the international community. ************************************************ BKK POST: SLORC HEAD'S BROTHER TO FACE LEGAL ACTION [abridged] October 31, 1997 Rangoon, Agencies NLD arrests seen as setback for democrats Five members of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), including elected MPs, have been arrested for trying to hold meetings and will face legal action, official sources said yesterday. They include Dr Than Nyein brother of the first secretary of the ruling junta, Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt - and several MPs elected in the last general elections held in Burma in 1990, the sources said. The five were arrested late on Tuesday after security forces blocked Ms Suu Kyi from holding a meeting at NLD office in the northern Rangoon township of Mayangone. Among those arrested were the NLD chairmen for Taketha and Mayangone, the two townships which Ms Suu Kyi has visited in the past two weeks, as part of a campaign to organise an NLD youth wing. Earlier yesterday, a senior government official said that four NLD members in Mayangone township had been "called in for questioning" after trying to conduct an illegal political meeting. The latest arrests could scupper the NLD's efforts to hold the youth wing meetings. They have attracted the wrath of the authorities since Ms Suu Kyi draws enthusiastic crowds whenever she makes a public appearance, analysts said. ******************************************************* FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: BURMA ROAD November 6,1997 By Bertil Lintner in Bangkok China's economic push southward worries neighbours The storms that arise in the Bay of Bengal can be sudden and ferocious. Now another one is brewing. This time, though, it's worrying not weathermen but defence planners. After years of preparation, China has this year taken several steps towards establishing a trade route through Burma to give its province of Yunnan an outlet to the Indian Ocean. China says the route, composed of road, rail and river links, will bring much-needed trade and development to its landlocked southwestern provinces. But neighbouring states fear the Burmese connection is part of plans not just for trade but also for Beijing to play a bigger naval role in the Indian Ocean. India has long warned that a permanent or semipermanent Chinese presence in these waters would conflict with its security interests. Now even Singapore is closely monitoring China's push south, concerned that tensions in the Bay of Bengal could affect its shipping lifelines. The Singaporeans are also trying to ensure that their influence in Burma isn't overwhelmed by China's sweep. And Burma is by no means the only Southeast Asian country where China is visibly trying to widen its influence. Earlier this year, it began military aid to the Phnom Penh government. And in the wake of Thailand's financial meltdown, with the United States watching from the side-lines, Beijing sent a high-level delegation to Bangkok to scout for investment opportunities New Delhi has been especially worried about a Beijing-Rangoon nexus because Chinese technicians have helped the Burmese navy to set up four electronic listening posts along the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. Australian defence analyst Desmond Ball, an expert on signals intelligence, says: "Those posts are ideally situated for monitoring Indian air and sea movements in the eastern part of the Bay of Bengal as well as intercepting telemetry associated with Indian missile tests over the bay." Ball also says the Burmese navy's facilities may allow the Chinese to monitor shipping between the Indian Ocean and the Strait of Malacca, a matter of direct concern to Singapore. Commodore Uday Bhaskar of India's Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis argues that China's bid to secure trade routes to the Bay of Bengal cannot be separated from its interest in signals intelligence. Similar concerns could weigh with the Singaporeans. According to intelligence sources, the city-state has modified at least one of its C-130 Hercules transport planes to handle airborne signals-intelligence operations in the Bay of Bengal. A source familiar with the operation says the aircraft and some accompanying Fokker 50s fly twice weekly from Singapore along the Malaysian and Thai coasts to Rangoon, where the crews stay overnight before continuing to Dhaka in Bangladesh. "On their way back to Singapore, the planes skirt India's Andaman and Nicobar Islands," the source says. China's Burma plans first came out in the open on March 4, when the China News Agency in Beijing reported that a Sino-Burmese expert group had "conducted a study on the possibility of land and water transport, via Yunnan and into the Irrawaddy river valley in Burma." On May 5, the official Xinhua news agency reported that Beijing and Rangoon had reached agreement on developing this route. Xinhua said the route would be 5,800 kilometres shorter than that between the Yunnanese capital, Kunming, and the nearest port on China's east coast, Shanghai. Long before this agreement was reached, however, China had begun to construct a railway from Kunming to Xiaguan, near Dali on its side of the Yunnan frontier. The old Burma Road from Kunming to Ruili on the Burmese border has also been upgraded. Earlier this year, Chinese engineers completed work on the last 100-kilometre stretch of the road, from Ruili across the border to Bhamo in Burma's Kachin state. Bhamo is the northernmost port on the Irrawaddy River that is accessible from the south. Intelligence sources in Burma say the plan is to use a fleet of barges to transport goods from there to Minhla, some 1,000 kilometres downriver and 280 kilometres north of Rangoon. From Minhla, a road is being built across the Arakan Yoma mountain range, running via An to Kyaukpyu on the coast. Kyaukpyu has been chosen as the site for a new deepwater port. This route is said to be more convenient than continuing down the Irrawaddy and via the Twante Canal to Rangoon. Initially, Rangoon intended to let the Chinese build the Kyaukpyu port. However, that idea seems to have been thwarted by Singapore business interests. Reports from Burma indicate that at least two Singaporean construction companies have succeeded in getting contracts to build the port and adjacent facilities. But as a Bangkok-based military analyst points out, it doesn't really matter who builds which links: China is bound to be the beneficiary. Furthermore, in March, Beijing signed a 30-year agreement with Rangoon that allows more than 200 Chinese fishing boats to operate in Burmese waters. A Rangoon-based diplomat says it was quite a coup for the Chinese to bag this kind of deal, which used to go mainly to the Thais and Singaporeans. The fishing pact is only one indication of China's increasing influence not only with Burma but also with the entire region. Says Indian defence analyst Bhaskar: "China today wields more influence in Southeast, South and Central Asia than at any time since the height of the Qing power in the 18th century." Indeed, not since the legendary Ming Dynasty admiral Zheng He's expeditions in the 15th century has China been closer to becoming a major maritime power. And that has raised ancient fears in the smaller countries of Southeast Asia. ******************************************************* FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: WASHING UP November 6, 1997 By Bertil Lintner in Bangkok Dirty money takes a tortuous path When Alan Tam visited the same Sydney bank on consecutive days to send money to Hong Kong, some of the staff smelled a rat. What aroused their suspicion was the amount Tam sent each time: just less than A$10,000, the threshold at which banks must report a transfer out of Australia. The police were called in, and surveillance showed Tam was part of a gang distributing heroin imported from Thailand. During the operation, the police seized 56 kilograms of heroin worth around A$10 million (then about $7.5 million). In Australia's first success against a major organized heroin ring, Tam and another gang member, both Canadians of Hong Kong origin, pleaded guilty earlier this year to drug-supply and money laundering charges. But how much heroin is still missing (up to 250 kilograms may have been imported before the gang's arrest) and where are the proceeds? "We're talking 40 to 50 million dollars," complains a Sydney police officer. "The money could still be in a container in someone's garden or it could have been hand-carried to some tax haven or financial centre in the Pacific." If it's in the South Pacific, it's probably beyond reach. Australian law enforcers say millions of dollars in drug money is sitting in island banks in the names of trusts and shelf companies, protected by impenetrable secrecy laws. Australia has had only limited success in stopping the import of drugs, particularly heroin. In addition, it can do little to prevent the proceeds leaving the country_typically the first step in laundering cash to remove traces of its illegitimate background. In a circuitous operation designed to foil surveillance, dirty money will probably pass through a South Pacific financial centre, and then return to Australia, perhaps to finance a legitimate asset or business such as a Sydney harbourside villa or a restaurant. Law enforcers face a mix of technology and tradition in their fight against laundering. These days wire transfers move money around the world instantly. But money-launderers also use tried-and-trusted channels such as underground Asian banking networks controlled mainly by Overseas Chinese. Take the example of Burmese heroin smuggled into Australia. The smugglers might ship their cash out in suitcases or machinery crates (see step 2 in the chart) or_less risky_send out a flood of small remittances, each well below the A$10,000 reporting threshold. Hong Kong is a favourite destination. Here or elsewhere, the money disappears into underground networks typically fronted by legitimate, cash-intense businesses such as gold or jewellery shops. According to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, "heroin-traffickers can transfer $500,000 from Hong Kong or Bangkok within hours simply by visiting a gold shop." From Bangkok, the money can be wired to Chiang Mai and forwarded to the Burmese drug producers (step 3). For money transiting Hong Kong, where banking surveillance has been tightened in recent years, another ruse is to launder cash in nearby Macau (step 4). A courier hops on the jetfoil, changes cash or small bank drafts into gambling chips in one of the enclave's casinos, spends a few at the gaming tables_and then exchanges the rest for a legally clean cheque. A source close to the scene in Macau claims some casino managers sell a different kind of chip to money launderers, who have to pay a commission. "But such minor expenses are part of the business," says the source. The cheque can be deposited legally in any Hong Kong bank, and, if questions are raised, the casino manager will happily testify that his client had a lucky day at the gaming table. Once the cleaned-up cash has entered the official banking system, it can be moved quickly into a variety of financial instruments and accounts. That's where the Pacific banking havens come into the picture. From Hong Kong, solicitors may place the funds in offshore trusts (step 5), adding to the web of complex financial transactions that are a vital part of money laundering. The South Pacific islands' strict bank secrecy_and the unwillingness of their governments to investigate the sources of the money_make detection almost impossible. And that makes buying the Sydney harbourside villa a formality (step 6). ******************************************************* THE NATION: RANGOON DELIBERATES OVER PLEA TO FREE THAIS October 31, 1997 BURMA yesterday agreed to consider Thailand's request to free Thai prisoners held in Burmese jails as a goodwill gesture to coincide with His Majesty the King's birthday on Dec 5, Foreign Minister Prachuab Chaiyasan said. Speaking from Rangoon, Prachuab said Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary-general of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), had told him that Rangoon would consider the request. Prachuab, who returned to Bangkok last night from a two-day official trip to Burma, said there are over 700 Thai nationals in Burmese jails. International human rights groups have strongly criticised Burma for its treatment of prisoners and the appalling conditions of its prisons. The fate of Thais jailed in Burma made headlines in the press here recently when the Thai military said they would bring up the issue with Slorc during a visit to Burma by Army chief Gen Chettha Thanajaro. The foreign minister also said Khin Nyunt agreed in principle to set up a mechanism to channel information between the two countries at various government levels to better the international community's understanding of political and democratic development in Burma. Prachuab added that Slorc chairman Gen Than Shwe thanked Thailand's effort in urging the European Union (EU) to allow Burma to participate in the upcoming ministerial-level meeting between the EU and Asean. The meeting is scheduled to be held in Bangkok from Nov 17 to 19. The EU's decision was seen as a compromise between the two regional groupings who differ on how Rangoon should be treated because of its human rights record. Burma and Laos will only be allowed to sit in on the upcoming Bangkok meeting as "passive observers" as neither country is a signatory to the 1980 Asean-EU Cooperation Agreement. ******************************************************* ALL BURMESE STUDENTS' STATEMENT: CHINESE GOVERNMENT POLICIES AND RELATIONS WITH SLORC October 31, 1997 [This statement was received by BurmaNet and has been slightly corrected for easier reading.] We firmly denounce the following Chinese policies and relations with SLORC, the military tyranny of Burma: 1. Building a military base in Burma without people's approval 2. Selling weapons to SLORC 3. Conducting business with the military leaders without regard for the real interests of the people and the restoration of democracy 4. Granting loans to SLORC which will prolong SLORC's power 5. Using Burma as a base and tool for the expansion of Chinese power in the Asia-Pacific region 6. Cooperating with the SLORC in drug trafficking The above policies are unwise, as they promote the people adopting negative attitudes, and tend to undermine the historical friendship between China and Burma. If China truly aims to promote a long term commitment to friendly relations between Burma and China, the Chinese government should take the following actions: 1. Withdraw the military base from Burmese soil 2. Stop official and unofficial arms supplies from reaching SLORC 3. Withhold loans from Burma until there is democracy in Burma 4. End all cooperation with the military tyrants in Burma * ALL BURMA BASIC EDUCATION STUDENTS' UNION (THAILAND) * OVERSEAS NATIONAL STUDENTS' ORGANIZATION OF BURMA * BURMESE STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION ************************************************* BKK POST: NEW HOLDING CENTRES SOUGHT FOR BURMESE October 31, 1997 Supamart Kasem - Mae Sot, Tak Fresh bid to cope with migrants rendered jobless The Police Department has proposed the establishment of four holding centres for Burmese migrants pending deportation, a senior police officer said yesterday. The proposal came as a large number of Burmese workers flocked to border provinces after they lost their jobs, said Pornsak Durongkavibul, deputy police director-general. The centres are to be set up in Mae Sot, Chiang Rai's Mae Sai, Kanchanaburi and Ranong provinces. He said the proposal is under the consideration of the Interior Ministry. Immigration police, border police, military officers and local administration officials will be assigned to do the job. Burmese aliens whose work permits have expired and those who illegally entered the country will be sent to the centres before deportation, he said. "Police will closely cooperate with the Third Army Region which is responsible for security along the border." he added. He said police are concerned about illegal entry and the stream of alien workers leaving the country will help minimise national security problems. Pol Gen Pornsak said he has ordered police to take legal action against illegal migrants and those who smuggle in and provide shelter to illegal aliens. Tak police yesterday reported that from January to October this year, a total of 8,098 people have been arrested for illegal entry. They said police are short of a budget to feed the inmates and that police are forced to allocate some of their own allowances to buy food for them. Immigration officials welcomed the proposed establishment of the centres, saying the new shelters would help accommodate alien workers and solve the problem of overcrowded prisons. ******************************************************* INSIDE INDONESIA: LOVE AT FIRST SIGHT - SLORC MEETS ABRI Inside Indonesia no. 42, October-December 1997 Andreas Harsono ANDREAS HARSONO visits Burma and is intrigued by the respect its military show for the Indonesian model. The mouthpiece of the Burmese military regime, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper, in mid-1996 dubbed the relationship between Indonesia and Burma 'two nations with common identity'. Official visits between the two governments have increased sharply since 1993. They marked not only the progress in Burma-Indonesia diplomatic ties but also the growing eagerness of the Burmese junta to copy the political system of its more established neighbour. 'No other country is closer to the regime than Indonesia,' said a senior Asian diplomat in Rangoon, adding that Indonesia is like 'a big brother' in the eyes of the Burmese generals. The newspaper repeatedly praised the positive economic and political development in Indonesia, where the Indonesian military has the dual function of protecting the security of the state while dominating party politics as well. High profile visits Foreign Minister Ali Alatas and Defence Minister Edi Sudrajat visited Rangoon in February 1994 and November 1995 respectively. In August 1994 businessman Hutomo Mandala Putra of the Humpuss business group, the youngest son of President Suharto, also led a high-profile business delegation to Rangoon. The Indonesian patriarch himself visited Burma in February 1997 in a high- profile tour during which Suharto again reiterated the fundamental creed of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean): 'We should not interfere in the affairs of our neighbours.' His eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, who is also an influential political figure in Indonesia, accompanied her father to sign some business deals in Rangoon. Suharto even went to have a chat with Burmese behind-the- scene strongman Gen Ne Win, whom he once visited in 1974. In return, earlier Slorc leader Senior Gen Than Shwe met Suharto in Jakarta in June 1995, while his aide, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, who heads the intelligence service, traveled more frequently to Jakarta. The Burmese embassy in Jakarta is the largest among Burmese embassies in Southeast Asia, demonstrating that Jakarta is a crucial relationship for the Slorc. The Burmese ambassador to Jakarta, U Nyi Nyi Tant, a close associate of Khin Nyunt, is portrayed as the spearhead of his nation's lobbying efforts in Jakarta, which also hosts the secretariat, or headquarters, of Asean. Why? Why does Burma do it? Why does the Slorc want to copy the Indonesian New Order? The easiest explanation is that both countries are ruled by military men. Southeast Asia, to which Burma belongs, has several authoritarian governments but only one military ruler to duplicate: Indonesia. Despite homework still to solve a serious socio-economic gap, and despite the potential for a major religious conflict and political unrest, Indonesia is widely seen as one of Asia's success stories. Burma, on the contrary, is a pariah, one of the most brutal regimes in the world. It is currently under stiff international criticism and sanctions after its refusal to transfer power to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy, who won the general election in 1990. The Slorc is trying to show the international community that it is also a responsible government which is going to bring order and prosperity in Burma. But, the junta argues, first they need to silence the opposition to create political stability in Burma - just as the Indonesians did in the 1970s. Indonesian ambassador to Burma, A Poerwanto Lenggono, said in November 1996 that the Burmese government would like to imitate the New Order of President Suharto's government in three key areas: the Indonesian state ideology, Pancasila, the 1945 constitution and the dual function of the military. Dual function 'We didn't ask them. They imported the whole lesson, saying that they would like to learn from us. They are welcome, but we told them that each country has its own characteristics. Our experience could be adopted here [only] in accordance with the local values,' said Lenggono. Burmese veteran journalist M C Tun confirmed that the Slorc had published the Indonesian constitution in Burmese. 'They asked people to learn from it while drafting the Burmese constitution,' he said. Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt once indicated that as soon as the new constitution was drawn up, the Burmese armed forces, tatmadaw, which is currently ruling by decree, would hand over power to a civilian government. One of his close associates, Brig-Gen David O Abel, said that the Slorc learns not only from Indonesia but also the 'miracle' of South Korea and other Newly Industrialised Countries. 'We can learn many good things on these studies especially Indonesia. We fought against the colonialists also to establish Myanmar. With that objective and inspiration we look at Indonesia as a model. How Indonesia gets the people united over 200 million.' Despite skepticism over whether the Slorc intends to hand over power to the National League for Democracy of Suu Kyi, it is believed in Burma that the Indonesian constitution provides room for the military to be involved in politics. Suu Kyi and Megawati Of course Suu Kyi has a 'counterpart' in Indonesia. Both Suu Kyi and Indonesian opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri are leading pro- democracy activists in the region. And both are the daughters of charismatic fathers - President Sukarno and General Aung San - who helped free Indonesia and Burma respectively from their colonial masters after World War II. Both daughters have emerged from the shadows of their fathers to lead opposition to two of the strongest military rulers in Southeast Asia: Megawati against President Suharto's 'New Order' in Indonesia, and Suu Kyi against the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) in Burma. 'Perhaps the similarity is that we are trying to contribute something for the future of our nations,' said Megawati, admitting that most people recognise a woman like her because of their fathers and their womanhood. She said that both she and Suu Kyi have not only their fathers' name but also their own political struggles, stamina and determination. 'Who is Megawati without the name of Sukarno? I cannot deny that, but it is not only a matter of the surname. It depends on our personal abilities and opportunities as well,' said Megawati. Their opponents, however, often fail to realise that these women have their own political strength. In a bid to downgrade their political influence, their military opponents pressured their media to use the names of Mrs Megawati Taufik- kiemas and Mrs Michael Aris, after their respective husbands Indonesian businessman, Taufik Kiemas and British scholar Dr Michael Aris, rather than their maiden names, which connect them to their fathers in the public's mind. Technocrats Suu Kyi herself said that one of the most visible differences between the Slorc and the New Order is the employment of western-educated technocrats such as economists and social engineer . 'The Slorc does not trust intellectuals,' the winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace prize said. 'Intellectuals who are trying to say something rational could be easily accused of planning a plot against them. They could end up in jail.' President Suharto has worked closely with Indonesian technocrats since he rose to power in 1965. He led the military's work on political issues while the economists drafted all monetary and economic policy. Most of those, like Prof Widjojo Nitisastro, who headed the economic team, were alumni of University of Berkeley of the United States. Critics later called them 'Berkeley Mafia' because of their shrouded but effective influence over the national development policy. The Slorc, however, has nobody like Prof Nitisastro on their team. Asian diplomats to Rangoon call most of the Slorc generals 'ignorant,' although Khin Nyunt and Minister for National Planning and Economic Development Brig- Gen David Abel have both won kudos because of their workaholic personalities. 'Abel is the smartest guy within the Slorc. Khin Nyunt is not really smart, but he is a workaholic. He knows a lot because he heads the intelligence service,' said a diplomat. An observer in Jakarta said it is impossible for the Slorc to follow the Indonesian path if they do not use technocrats. 'As long as we are talking about free markets and capitalism, which I believe is being implemented by the Slorc now, we have to use the technocrats.' Bandung 1955 Megawati cautiously said that the Slorc brought Burma far from the spirit of the Asia-Africa Declaration signed in Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955 by world leaders from Asia and Africa. 'Democracy is partly the idea of independence. It is true now that Burma has no democracy and that we should help Burmese people to fight for democracy.' 'It doesn't mean that I want to interfere in Burma's internal affairs, but the common platform is the Asia-Africa Declaration. We have to remind the Slorc about the spirit of the declaration.' 'If we compare Burma and South Africa in 1955, we realise that now Burma is left far behind, while South Africa under President Nelson Mandela has already solved its most crucial problem and prepared to face globalisation.' Tactic Others said that the Slorc's attempt was merely a tactic to seek help from Indonesia to sponsor Burmese membership in Asean, which was opposed by several member nations. The Slorc was believed to be 'more than eager' to join Asean in a bid to get a measure of regional support while it faced international condemnation from Western countries like the United States, and European countries that have sometimes imposed official bans to discourage investment in Burma. Asean members - which include Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam - were divided on the timing of the Burmese membership. Indonesia and Malaysia agreed on letting Burma join Asean in 1998, while the Philippines, Thailand and Singapore had reservations. But they finally agreed in an informal meeting in November 1996 in Jakarta to welcome Burma as well as Cambodia and Laos in 1998. When Asean countries officially accepted Burma to join their ranks in an Asean summit in Kuala Lumpur in July 1997, many felt it would send a dangerous signal to Rangoon that it could continue to ignore demands for the transfer of power to civilians and to abuse human rights. Indonesia, at that point, would share the responsibility and blame. Andreas Harsono is a freelance journalist in Jakarta. ------------------ http://www.pactok.net.au/docs/inside/index.htm ********************************** BKK POST: YOUNG ASEM LOOKS AT DOWNTURN October 30, 1997 Nussara Sawatsawang Europe clearly had monetary interests in mind when it joined Asem, but things are no longer as rosy as they were in many Asian dialogue partner countries. Senior officials from 25 Asian and European countries meet in Luxembourg today to pave the way for a- second summit of their leaders as the financial troubles being experienced by four Southeast Asian member states threaten to mar the partnership. At the Oct 30-31 talks, which serve as the preliminary to the Asia-Europe Meeting (Asem) set for London on April 3-4, 1998, officials will try to chart the forum's course into the next millennium and tackle the question of enlarging their membership. Thailand, which hosted the inaugural summit in March 1996, will be represented by Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs Saroj ChavanaviraJ. Thailand joins six other member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Brunei, Indonesia Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam as well as China, Japan and South Korea in making up the forum's 10 Asian member states. Europe is represented by the 15 member states of the European Union: Austria, Belgium, Denmark Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxemburg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. The EU, according to its own statement, was persuaded to join Asem and thereby secure a bigger role in the region by "the rapid and sustained growth of the Asian economies, and their increasing weight in world trade and investment flows.. But the future may not be so bright as Indonesia Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand find themselves in financial straits, with currencies unsteady since the floating of the baht on July 2. Thailand alone finds it difficult to maintain growth at 1.5 percent of gross domestic product, instead of the 7-8 percent of previous years, after the country came under a $17.2 billion austerity assistance package arranged by the International Monetary Fund. "Clearly it's very discouraging [for foreign investors]," said an EU official in a recent interview in Brussels. But other analysts and officials in Europe argue that the Southeast Asian crisis will not last long and Asem is still young and just started getting-to-know you dialogues. It's unclear which direction the new linkage will go, they say. Since Asem's launch, ministers for economic, finance and foreign affairs have exchanged views at separate talks, while private businessmen have come together at the Asia-Europe Business Forum, and think tanks and cultural groups under the Asia-Europe Foundation. An Investment Promotion Action Plan was endorsed recently by economic ministers but no rules and timeframe were laid down for binding country members. Asem is a "comprehensive, longterm and organic" process which requires time to build understanding among each other said Rolf Mafael, a European Commission external relations and commercial policy official. He expressed hope that the future of Asem would be clearer next April after the setting up of a Vision Group comprising leading scholars and businessmen to outline a strategy for the next century. Gwyn Morgan, the head of the European Commission's Southeast Asia unit, said the London summit needed to find ways to coordinate and highlight the work of those organisations now in place in order to set the momentum for the third summit in Seoul in 2000. That includes new membership, with the senior officials in Luxembourg to hear a list of who is knocking at their door. Australia, New Zealand, India and Pakistan are candidates for Asia, while Norway, Switzerland, Russia and some Eastern Europe states, including Hungary, the Czech Republic, Ukraine and Tajikistan, want to join Asem from the Europe side. There is no criteria for new members, but a decision will have to be made by consensus from both sides and so an invitation will not be extended automatically. Another issue which needs to be resolved involves Burma, which, together with Laos, was admitted to Asean in July. The EU has made it clear it will not associate with the military regime known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council unless it shows some progress on democracy and human rights protection. Thai officials, however, are under the impression that Asean will make Burma and Laos priority membership candidates in a bid to show solidarity and that they are non-discriminatory. "But the important thing," according to Mr Mafael, "is how Asia creates the regional structure," referring to coordination between Asean and China, Japan and South Korea. Rita Beuter, an analyst with the European Institute for Public Administration in Maastricht, Holland, was confident Asean's push for Burma to join Asem would not endanger Asia Europe relations. Sour relations would jeopardise European plans to compete with the United States in Asia. The prime target is China, a country with a market made up of 1.2 billion people. It is thought to surpass Japan and the US as the biggest economy in the coming century. Asem gives the EU the chance to engage Beijing closely and to balance the influence of the US, which plays a key role in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (Apec). Apec, an exclusive club for Asian and the Pacific countries, is evolving gradually with the aim of achieving trade liberalisation by 2020. It brings together 18 Pacific-rim nations including the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, South Korea and Asean. EU officials say there is room for European countries to boost trade and investment with China, which remains low. According to Eurostat, the statistical office for the EC, EU-China trade has been increasing gradually but it still remains low. Europe's trade with China was worth only 40.9 billion ecu (1,206 billion baht) in 1995 and 44.7 billion ecu (1,319 billion baht) in 1996, less than that with Asean which was worth 69.7 billion ecu (2,056 billion baht) in 1995 and 76.4 billion ecu (2,254 billion baht) last year. Direct EU investment in China amounted to 799 million ecu (23.6 billion baht) between 1992 and 1994, lower than that in Malaysia, the Philippines' and Thailand, which together totalled 2.76 billion ecu (81.4 billion baht) during the same year. . "China's prospective is very good," said Mr Morgan. **************************************************************** THE NATION: LETTER - WITH FRIENDS LIKE SLORC, WHO NEEDS ENEMIES? October 31, 1997 Shan Herald Agency For News - Chiang Mai Having learned that Prachuab Chaiyasarn, Thailand's foreign minister, is in Burma to strengthen relationships with Slorc, we are sending him the following excerpt from the minutes of a meeting between retired President U Ne Win, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt and Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw, dated July 31, 1994. Although over three years old, it is still relevant today to remind him what he is up against in Rangoon. "As I have told you, Thailand cannot be trusted. It has a fire-brand in one hand and a water scoop in the other. It seemed as if they wanted to invite Burma to the Asean meeting, but in fact they just wanted to humiliate us. The other neighbouring countries also cannot be trusted." *******************************************************