Date: Tue, 23 Feb 1993 14:47:36 EST Sender: Chinese Studies list From: IFCSS Headquarter Subject: A Report about China's Human Rights By IFCSS To: Multiple recipients of list CHINA Continued Political and Religious Repression: A Report Submitted to President Clinton and United States Congress by The Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars (IFCSS) February, 1993 I. Introduction The communist China has a long tradition of gross human rights violations. Since day one of the People's Republic of China, political campaigns characterized by mass persecution have been a hallmark of the Chinese society, the Land Reform Movement, the Suppressing Counterrevolutionary Movement, the Anti-Rightist Movement, the Socialist Education Movement, the Cultural Revolution, the Anti-Spiritual Contamination Movement, the Anti- Bourgeois Liberalization Movement, to name only a few. The "June 4th Massacre" in 1989 shocked the whole world with its brutalities, but that does not mean the previous political movements were less brutal; the only difference is that they were not caught by the cameras of Western journalists. For instance, no one knows exactly how many were murdered during the Suppressing Counterrevolutionary Movement in early 1950s, for at that time even a "work group" at the village level had the right to decide whether a "counterrevolutionary" should be executed. During the Anti-rightist Movement of 1958, half a million intellectuals were labelled "rightists," many of whom later died on labor reform camps. The ten-year Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) saw human rights violations on an unprecedented scale with torture, killing, and struggle meetings as the order of the day. Liu Shaoqi, the then President of the People's Republic of China, was tortured to death. Deng Xiaoping, the current paramount leader, was sent to Jiangxi province to "reform through labor." Given the tragic fate of these top Party leaders, one can well imagine what could have happened to the ordinary "five black types," namely, "landlords," "rich peasants," "counterrevolutionaries," "bad elements," and "rightists." After Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1979, the Chinese government has adopted a policy known as "opening to the outside world." To attract Western investment and technology, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried hard to project an image of political moderation. This false image, however, was torn away by itself when the Chinese people demanded a little freedom in 1989. Hundreds, possibly thousands of peaceful demonstrators died under tanks and gunfire when fully-armed soldiers moved into Beijing with the order to crush a "riot." A massive arrest and persecution followed the crackdown. Tens of thousands of people were arrested, some were executed, and virtually every man and woman in China was forced to publicly "condemn the crimes of the rioters." Today, an estimated 10,000 prisoners of conscience are still living under inhuman conditions. It was generally agreed that the 14th Congress of the CCP (Oct., 1992) adopted a more hardline policy towards dissent than the previous congress. II. Arrests and Detentions Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. The Constitution of the People's Republic of China provides: Citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, publication, rally, association, parade, and demonstration. In the history of the P.R.C., however, few who chose to exercise their constitutionally-granted freedom did not end up in prison. In 1979, a group of people ventured to express their opinions in posters in Beijing on China's modernization and created what came to be known since as "the Xidan Democracy Wall." Although they were in general supportive of Deng Xiaoping's reform program, they were still persecuted because they had set up a forum for free speech. Most activists of the group were arrested; several leading figures remain imprisoned today, notably Wei Jingsheng, Xu Wenli, and Ren Wanding. Liu Qing, a leader of the group, tried once more to exercise his constitutional right and wrote a book while in a labor reform camp, only to have his three-year term extended to ten years. Moreover, during the last years of his prison life, the only thing he was allowed to say was a number he uttered in answering daily roll call. Liu's experience offers a dramatic example of what freedom of speech means in China. Despite the Chinese government's eagerness to restore and expand trade relations with major industrial countries, the general human rights situation in China has not been improved. In 1992, at least over two hundred people were arrested because of their political or religious views. Given the limited access to China's vast provincial areas, we have all the reason to believe that the real figure is several times greater. In July, the Beijing Intermediate People's Court sentenced Bao Tong, top aide to former CCP General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, to seven years of imprisonment, sending a clear signal that the Chinese government was not to repent for the 1989 crackdown. On September 1, Shen Tong, a Chinese student at Boston University, was detained in Beijing during his home visit. Together detained with him were two other students, Qian Liyun and Qi Dafeng. Being a well-known figure in the U.S., Shen Tong was released after nearly two months of confinement. However, Qian Liyun was only released on probation while Qi Dafeng was sent to Anhui Province for two years of "education through labor." III. Torture of Prisoners On August 12, 1992, China's State Council released a white paper entitled "Reform of Criminals in China," in which it is stated: According to the existing Chinese law, a prisoner enjoys, under all circumstances, the right to be free from insult and bodily injuries. ...The basic principle of administrative management in China's prisons and labor reform sites is civilized management in accordance with the law, namely, the personal integrity of the prisoners is respected and humane treatment is ensured. Any act that insults the prisoner's character is strictly forbidden. The management, which consists of constraint, correction, encouragement, and guidance, should be given full play in reforming the prisoners." The following incidents, which took place in the provinces of Liaoning and Shanxi, provide some illustrations of the "civilized management" in which the Chinese government takes great pride. Liaoning Province On April 22, 1991, eleven political prisoners were brought to the Second Labor Reform Detachment, Lingyuan County, Liaoning Province. Among them were Liu Gang and Zhang Ming, students who were on the most-wanted after the 1989 "June 4th Massacre". What they suffered since that time offers a glimpse of the truth behind the prison walls. On May 29, the prison held a test on "Regulations on Criminal Reform." The eleven political prisoners boycotted the test. The police, together with some other prisoners who had been convicted rape and murder, beat them severely. Liu Gang was suffering from a heart disease, but a policeman said:"Don't you think you can escape by feign sick." After the beating, Liu Gang was put on a pair of nine-kilogram shackles. In the days that followed, Liu Gang and his fellows were beaten repeatedly. Li Yang, the police squadron leader, said to Liu Gang:"Our business is to tame you." Liu Gang and Kong Xianfeng were put under "strict management." They were often beaten by several electric rods at the same time. The police even used the rod to beat Liu's private part. Kong's head was cut by the rod and bled. Tang Yuanjun, An Fuxing, Zhang Ming, and Leng Wanbao were kept in a "small cell" and beaten for a long time. After tearing away all their clothes, the police used electric rods, which had a voltage from 10,000 to 50,000, to beat repeatedly their heads, necks, shoulders, breasts, abdomens, inner thighs, and fingers. The prisoners went on a hunger strike to protest, only to be tortured more cruelly. A policeman used the rod to beat Tang Yuanjun until the rod ran out of electricity. Two of his ribs were broken from kicks by policemen wearing leather shoes. Because Leng Wanbao did not cry pain while being tortured, the police pried his mouth open with the rod. An Fuxing was so weak that he passed out while being tortured. However, as soon as he was out of the hospital, he was beaten by Young Guoping, head of the brigade. On June 4th, 1991, the two year anniversary of the "June 4th Massacre", political prisoner Li Jie went on a one-day fast. Young Guoping, head of the brigade, called all the prisoners for a meeting. Li Jie was dragged to the front, had all his clothes torn away, and pinned down to the ground by several criminal prisoners. Young then used a huge rod of 80,000 volt to repeatedly beat Li's inner thighs. Meanwhile, two other policemen used four rods, which had a voltage from 5,000 to 10,000, to beat Li on the head, neck, shoulder, armpit, breast, and abdomen. Li was sweating all over, his body trembling violently. While torturing him, Young said:"Do you now feel like eating? Today I'll use you as an example. Fancy having a hunger strike in a labor reform camp? And you want to commemorate the 'June 4th victims.' Those people deserved to be killed. If you don't want to live, just let me know. Why should you torture yourself? We can help you with that...If you are a man, don't eat. Even if you want to eat now, we've got to hold it a little bit longer so that you can remember it well. Let's see if you dare jump out next time. We'll never tolerate such counterrevolutionary activity like yours!" On New Year's Day, 1992, eight political prisoners demanded to see their relatives, but their demand was turned down. That afternoon, Zhang Ming was writing a poem on the wall, when Squadron Leader Li Yang took a group of criminal prisoners to his cell. They tore away all Zhang Ming's clothes and beat him severely. Li Yang said:"It is my duty to beat you. This is reforming you. You want to hunger strike? Go ahead. The labor reform detachment is never afraid of death. One dies, we'll bury one; two die, we'll bury a pair. Our Second Detachment is a model unit well-known throughout the country, how could we let a few bad shrimps and fish like you to disturb our order?" Shanxi Province On September 22, 1989, the Detention Center of Taiyuan Public Security Bureau in Shanxi Province invited a TV crew to do a story on humane treatment of prisoners. Good dishes were prepared and served with wine. However, as soon as the TV crew finished the story and left, the dishes were taken away. The prisoners were outraged and sang in chorus the Internationale and a pop song in protest. The head of the Center gathered all his staff and beat the detainees severely. The detainees were ordered to lay on the floor, to kneel on the floor, to put their heads against the wall and to stick their bottoms out so as to make it easier for the guards to use their clubs. Yin Jin, a journalist who was put in the Detention Center as a result of his involvement in the 1989 Democracy Movement, did not join the chorus. But he, too, was beaten simply because he did not report the singing to the guards. The head of the Center, Gao Shikui, used a club to beat Yin's waist and bottom, cursing:"I'll beat you son-of-bitch to death." When Yin demanded why he was beaten, Xie Zhihong, Deputy Head of the Center, and several other guards rushed over to rain their fists, feet, and clubs on Yin. It was only after Yin tried to commit suicide by striking his head against the wall did they stop beating. Yin was then brought before Zhang Guoliang, the division director, who ordered that Yin be handcuffed, which were not taken off until Yin's hands turned black. The next day, Yin was put on a pair of shackles that weighed over 100 pounds. Yin Jin was moved to many different places during his confinement, but he never saw a single place where detainees were not tortured. Once, four detainees played cards at the Detention Center of Beicheng Branch of Taiyuan Public Security Bureau, Shanxi Province. A guard named Hao discovered it and forced the detainees to swallow up all the cards. Gao Xu, a computer science student in Shanxi University, lost one of his eyes from a brutal beating. One night, his head hurt so much that he cried out loudly, a guard named Chen picked up a stool and beat Gao so hard with it that the stool was finally broken. IV. Living Conditions in Prisons and Detention Centers The Detention Center of Taiyuan Public Security Bureau, Shanxi Province, is a model unit commended by the government for its "humane treatment" of prisoners. The regular meals there, however, are of a very poor quality. What the inmates eat are discounted and often rotten food. During winter time, they are given nothing but potatoes, of which better ones are taken away by the guards, leaving small, rotten, and green ones. The potatoes are never washed or peeled, so a thick layer of dirt is found at the bottom of the bowl. According to the related government regulation, each day an inmate has a ration of one pound grain plus dishes worth 70 cents, but this meager allowance is by no means insured. The expenses incurred by visits of journalists and inspections of higher authorities are deducted from the rations of the inmates. Some guards make a profit by selling outdated canned food to inmates, which repeatedly results in poisoning the digestive system. The regulation provides that there be two hours each day for the inmates to come out, but the guards only keep the doors open for ten minutes. When a guard happens to be in a bad mood, he keeps the cells locked the whole day. A cell of less than eighty square feet can hold as many as fifteen people. Quite often, fierce fights break out among the inmates over a little food or space. Liu Qing, a leader of the 1979 Democracy Wall, spent ten years in prison. During the last four years, he was forced to sit still on a small stool. He was not allowed to speak, to move, or even to breathe irregularly. As a result, his weight was reduced to about 80 pounds and his skin became so baggy that it felt like a coat. The two stories described below were taken from Liu's forthcoming book, "A Quiet Corner in China." Time: "Crackdown" period, 1983 Place: Pucheng Detention Center, Shanxi Province As soon as the cell doors open, the detainees swarm out. Tearing and pushing, they charge towards the foot of the huge wall, where grass grow. Yesterday, a mountain boy took the lead to eat the grass. He said it was edible. Some others then tried and said it tasted pretty good. The grass is limited, nobody wants to miss the chance today. The guards, however, are also prepared. Clubs and whips come down with a whistle upon the detainees, who, with their faces to the ground, are gnawing and tearing. At the blow, they scatter like panic-striken chickens, green juice flowing down the corners of their mouths. Driven back to the cell, the son of the party secretary of Pubai Mining Bureau says he will swallow a slice of dried shit if someone offers him a bowl of corn flour soup. He picks up a slice of dried shit and pushes it towards his throat, and then washes it down with the soup. The soup, mixed with shit as well as flour, flows down the corners of his mouth. Time: 1984 Place: Hua County Detention Center, Shanxi Province After "airing out," Wang Xianping returns to find his cigarettes missing. He looks around the cell of about ten square meters. It holds fifteen or sixteen people. Wang Xianping's nickname is "Blind Slit," for his eyesight is poor. And yet he knows well where to look for the thief. His poor sight has not failed to take in the one who returned to the cell during "airing out." As expected, the cigarettes are found on a thief, a wretch that everybody can curse and beat. In the jargon of Shanxi hooligans and vagabonds, a man of this sort is known as the "threshold," that is, everybody can kick or trample on him. Wang Xianping does not feel inclined to conduct a psychological analysis of the theft; instead, he orchestrates the whole cell for a four-hour beating. For quite some time, their punches and kicks land on nothing but a heap of collapsed bones and the skin and flesh that connect the bones. Shortly after the beating stops, they find him dead. None of them can tell when he left this world. Only later do they learn that he was trying to exchange some food with the cigarettes. Hunger is just part of prison life; many prisoners have to toil like slaves. On labor reform farms in Hunan Province, prisoners are forced to work all the year round without weekends. During busy seasons, they have to get up before dawn and work till the fall of night, sometimes as long as sixteen hours. Each prisoner is assigned a production quota and failure to meet it normally results in punishment. The guards, with truncheons in their hands, keep watch all the time and beat up those who are considered to be slacking. Upon returning to their cells, the prisoners throw themselves onto the sleeping platform and fall asleep full clothed. Due to poor living conditions, many prisoners fall ill. Wang Juntao, an editor who was accused of masterminding the 1989 Democracy Movement, contracted hepatitis. It was only after he waged a series hunger strikes that he was finally given medical care. Wang is a well-known prisoner whose conditions have been closely monitored by Chinese and international human rights groups. Even he had such trouble getting treatment, we can well imagine the fate of an ordinary prisoner who is unknown to the outside world. V. Sufferings of Family Members The CCP has a long tradition of persecuting family members of political prisoners. In China, if a man commits rape or murder, his family is not in any way implicated. However, if a man is put in prison on a counterrevolutionary charge, his family will suffer a wide range of consequences. In the 1960s and 1970s, families that had a member labelled for political offence were referred to as the "five black types," namely, landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists. People with such family backgrounds were not allowed to go to school, to work in a factory, to join the armed forces, let alone become Party or Youth League members. The stigma was so terrifying that young men from such families could not even find girls to marry them. To improve its image to the outside world, the Chinese government removed the label of "five black types" around 1980. Nevertheless, the decades-old terror was not easily dispersed and Chinese in general are still apprehensive of any political implications. After the "June 4th Massacre" in 1989, the Chinese government launched a massive campaign to track down the "rioters." Once a student or worker or cadre was labeled a "rioter," his or her family became "bao shu," that is, "family member of a rioter." As a result, some parents who lost their son or daughter in the crackdown told their neighbors that their children died from natural illnesses when the truth was that these young people died form bullets or crushed by tanks. Today, those sorrowful parents can only mourn their loved ones in their hearts, because any public mourning of someone who died in the massacre was regarded as a counterrevolutionary activity. Ren Wanding, a veteran human rights activist, was sentenced to seven years for his involvement in the 1989 Democracy Movement. After he was put in prison, his wife and daughter were driven out of their home. For over one year, the mother and daughter drifted from place to place, homeless. The young girl was fourteen, but she was unable to go to school. Last December, the two women staged a protest in front of a police station in Beijing, demanding a place to live, only to be detained by the police. Unable to bear such pressure, the young girl is suffering from a serious psychological disorder. Yao Huxian was a lecturer in Shanxi Medical College and sentenced to six years for supporting the Democracy Movement. He was kept in No. 1 Prison in Shanxi Province. In July, 1991, his father was hospitalized and in a critical condition. At the doctor's advice, his family members went to the prison and asked that Yao Huxian be permitted to see his dying father, but the request was rejected. In October, 1991, Zhao Yuehong, wife of Wang Xinlong, formerly an associate professor at Shanxi University, was diagnosed cancer. The doctor recommended an operation. With a mother at the age of 95 and a child about ten, Zhao wrote to the Party Secretary of Shanxi Province, pleading that her husband be put on probation for "several days" to look after the old and the young. Her pleading was to no avail. In spring, 1992, Ding Junzhe, also a former associate professor of Shanxi University, broke his foot in prison. Ding's wife asked for many times that Ding be put on probation, as he was also suffering from a serious heart trouble, but her requests were never granted. Later the same year, Ding's mother died without being able to bid farewell to his son. Of those who died during the "June 4th Massacre", many were bread-winners of the family. After their deaths, the families were in an extremely difficult situation. In addition to economic hardships, they have to carry with them the political stigma. Even people who are sympathetic dare not help them. The children in these families have to learn, from the time they start babbling, not to mention their dead parents. As for those who survived the massacre with serious handicaps, they have become a heavy burden to their families. The financial strain plus political pressure makes life unbearable. Fu Yun, a 22- year-old Beijing University student, lost both her legs in the massacre. Her mother died of a heart attack when she saw her handicapped daughter. Her father, a worker in a farm tool factory, had to borrow over 40,000 Chinese yuan to get medical care and false limbs for his daughter. Now the family is deeply in debt. VI. Suppression of Religious Freedom Article 36 of China's Constitution stipulates:"The citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of religious belief." This provision, like many others, has been consistently violated by the CCP and the Chinese government. In China, only a few government-created religious organizations are "legal," like the Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association and the Three-Self Patriotic Movement Committee of the Protestant Churches in China, but even these organizations do not enjoy any freedom. Instead of placing their faith with God, they must first be loyal to the Party's leadership. For those who demanded independence for the church, the CCP has never relented in its persecution. In the 1950s, Reverend Lin Xianlan and Wang Mindao were sentenced to twenty years of imprisonment for refusing to be affiliated with the government sponsored churches organizations. On a similar charge, Reverend Li Shenghua, a professor at Lingnan University, was sentenced to death. Reverend Gu Renen of Qingdao was executed only two months after his arrest. Reverend Ni Xisheng, the founder of Shanghai's Christian Congregation who returned to China after the Communists came to power, was arrested and died in prison. Involved in the same case were several thousand people, of whom at least over one thousand were arrested. It is forty years since the Mao and his followers founded the People's Republic of China, but no progress has been made in regard to religious freedom. In fact, with the "June 4th Massacre", the government has carried out another round of massive repression of Christians, Protestants and Catholics alike. In February, 1991, the Central Committee of the CCP issued Document No. 6, which urges that all independent religious groups be eliminated. What followed was a mass persecution of Catholics and Protestants. Last June, the Puebla Institute, a Washington-based group for religious freedom, published the cases of 100 Christian leaders who were deprived of liberties in China for their religious belief. Since then, at least 160 Christians have been arrested. In March (or April), Mr. Cui, a Protestant in north Yunnan province, was beaten to death. He is the sixth religious prisoner tortured to death since 1989. On April 13th, Reverend Fan of Baoding, Hebei province, died in prison after spending over 30 years in confinement. Evidence showed that he, too, had been tortured. In September, the Christians at No. 9 Coal Mine in Datong, Shanxi province gathered for church services, only to be attacked by large numbers of armed policemen. The church building was demolished, and an elderly lady died on the spot. VII. Conclusion It should be noted that what is included in this report represents only the tip of the iceberg; the real situation of human rights in China is much worse. Indeed, with the Chinese government withholding facts in regard to arrests and detentions, with the international community denied any access to China's prisoners of conscience, with the severe punishment in store for any Chinese citizen who ventures to pass on genuine information on human rights violations, efforts to collect individual cases are severely constrained. Recently, arguments have been put forth in the West that human rights situation in China has improved significantly. We do not agree. It is true that the CCP has started talking about human rights, it is true that the Chinese government has made repeated pledges that people's constitutionally granted rights would be guaranteed, it is true that many prisoners of conscience have been released and some well-known dissidents allowed to leave the country, and yet we have no reason to believe the CCP has become more respectful of human rights than it was forty years ago. There has never been a single case in which the CCP admitted its guilt. The overwhelming majority of prisoners were released only after they completed their full terms of imprisonment and the few early release cases were expressions of the Party's mercy instead of repentance. While participants of the 1979 Xidan Democracy Wall are still regarded as counterrevolutionaries and held in prison, while innocent students and other civilians of 1989 Democracy Movement continue to carry the stigma of "rioters," while freedom of speech and freedom of religion remain felonies subject to brutal punishment, we find it impossible to believe that that the general human rights situation has improved, not to speak of "significant improvement." If some change did occur with the CCP in recent years, it was a change for worse. The CCP has learned to play with the human rights issue. In fact, prisoners of conscience in China now constitute a special kind of political assets that will never be depleted. When the pressure from the international community builds up or when the Chinese government tries to resolve a disagreement with a Western country over issues of trade, loan, or technology transfer, it will release a few prisoners of conscience. Meanwhile, it will fill up its storage by arresting some others. To sum up, the CCP has effectively turned the human rights issue to its advantage without making any genuine improvement. And we can assume with confidence that it will continue to do so until this approach is effectively challenged. In the past two weeks, the Chinese government released a few well- known political prisoners, including Wang Dan. This is another effort by the Chinese government to whitewash its human rights record. If the Chinese government were sincere in improving the human rights situation, it would set free all the prisoners of conscience, not just those who are known to the West. Chen Lantao, a student in Shandong province, was sentenced to 18 years on a charge similar to that of Wang Dan, but his term has not been reduced by a single year. There are thousands more who are even less known to the outside world than Chen Lantao; their fate remain unchanged simply because they do not have "news value." Shen Tong's case offers another illustration of the double-sided policy of the Chinese government. With a large group of world leaders expressing concern over his detainment, Shen Tong was released eight weeks after he was taken custody by the police. However, Qi Dafeng, a student recruited by Shen Tong to work for his Democracy Foundation, was sentenced to two years' "education through labor." Also involved in Shen Tong's case are Zu Guoqiang, Chen Jianyong, Xie Changzhong, and Pan Mindong, some of whom were arrested after Shen Tong left China and have not been heard of ever since. There were still some others who simply disappeared after Shen Tong was detained and whose whereabouts have remained a myth up to now. Earlier this month, Chen Xitong, Beijing Party boss and member of the CCP Politburo, made an open statement that "all the sources of unrest will be eradicated." He was pronouncing the official policy of the CCP.