From @UGA.CC.UGA.EDU:owner-china-nt@UGA.CC.UGA.EDU Fri Jul 15 16:57:26 1994 Date: Fri, 15 Jul 1994 16:43:16 EDT Reply-To: Weihe Guan Sender: China-Net From: Weihe Guan Subject: Chinese Community Bulletin (CCB #940715) Comments: To: china-nt@uga.cc.uga.edu To: Multiple recipients of list CHINA-NT ===+==+==+==+==+==+== Chinese Community Bulletin ==+==+==+==+==+==+=== (CCB 940715) +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+= Chinese Community Bulletin (CCB) is one of the supplementary issues of Chinese Community Forum (CCF). It collects contributions on various topics which are not published in CCF regular issues or other supplementary issues. The opinions expressed in CCB do not necessarily represent the editors'. +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+= Table of Contents: ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Shunfeng Zheng Human Rights, Democracy and IFCSS From: Dawei Chang Predidential Nominee of IFCSS: YONGJUN ZHOOU From: Jinping Shi Bill to 6da: Poll the CSS From: Yan Huan Cohesiveness and Diversity? From: Yuhe Liu My Reply to Shen Shen Kong's Questions From: Xiaodong Huang A Call for Professionalism in IFCSS ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu, 14 Jul 1994 14:28:16 -0500 From: Shunfeng Zheng Human Rights, Democracy and IFCSS By Shunfeng Zheng Five years ago, IFCSS was born in the call for human rights and democracy among the CSS in U.S.. Since then, many CSS have taken IFCSS as the symbol of their pursue on human rights and democracy for China and Chinese. Today, when IFCSS presidential candidate Luo Ning calls for a "change" in IFCSS operation, some CSS worried that any change in IFCSS means turning way from the ideology of human rights and democracy. Is this worry understandable? Yes. Is this worry reasonable? No. To carry the legacy of 6.4, to improve human rights conditions for Chinese, to promote democracy in China, IFCSS needs a change. Beautiful and empty slogans will not help. The operation of IFCSS needs to be performed in a more professional and efficient way in order to maximize its influence for the cause. 1. IFCSS needs change to further pursue human rights for Chinese in China and in U.S. Needless to say, in the past 5 years, IFCSS has contributed much effort to the improvement of human rights conditions of the 6.4. victims in China and the protection of CSS in U.S. However, there are more works to be done, and more channels to be explored in order to improve the efficiency of the efforts. Human rights is a principle, under which everybody shall be equal. To pursue human rights is to pursue the well being of the victims and potential victims, to condemn those who violated others' rights, no matter whom they are and where they are; To pursue human rights is to prevent, to stop and to reduce human rights violations, with all legitimate means. In the past, the main direction of IFCSS's approach on human rights is as a dissident group. However, it might greatly strengthen the endeavor of promoting HR in China if IFCSS could expand its approach toward that of a constituent group. While there are many other dissident groups overseas working along the same approach, there has not been a civilians group approach, nor a constituents group approach for the same goal. Would it be more efficient if IFCSS extends its effort exploring these channels? If yes, the first thing the new IFCSS leadership needs to change is to separate human rights pursues from other (political, economic, etc.) issues. The potential influence of IFCSS on China's Human Rights conditions lies on its potential representation of the majority of CSS in U.S.. As the participation from CSS is dwindling, the strength of this potential influence is also demising. Should IFCSS not regain its strong support from the majority of CSS, it would not be able to go any step further in helping China's human rights conditions. Thus the emphasis to put the focus on the majority of CSS is in accordance to the effort of helping China improve its human rights conditions. Moreover, IFCSS's constituents are CSS in U.S.. To protect CSS's human rights should be among the first priorities in IFCSS's agenda, and to efficiently carry out this duty, the new IFCSS leadership should be in close touch with the CSS community. This requires a change both in working style and in organizational principles in IFCSS. Human rights shall no longer be used as a slogan to decorate political stand, human rights shall no longer be used as a weapon to attack political opponents, human rights shall no longer be sacrificed for exchange of acceptance and benefit from political partners either. In the new IFCSS leadership's agenda, human rights shall become an issue independent from political stands. The principle of human rights and the practice to promote it should transcend partisan politics. 2. IFCSS needs change to promote democracy in China and in CSS community To promote democracy in China, first and for most, IFCSS shall promote democracy in its own operation. It should be the constituents (CSS in U.S.) who decide what the IFCSS leadership's stands and priorities on related issues, not the other way round. CSS can no longer wait to read, from newspapers, what the IFCSS leaders had testified, on behave of all of them, after the statements had been made; CSS can not longer guess, among rumors, what the IFCSS leaders had done, on behave of all of them, after the activities had been taken. To promote democracy in China, IFCSS shall start to develop channels to convey CSS's concerns in relate to China's development back to China, to make the true CSS's voices heard. To promote democracy in China, IFCSS shall start to listen to people inside China, to understand what the current situation is, in order to make the right judgement on what kind of help IFCSS can provide from overseas. Regardless how important various services are in IFCSS's agenda, human rights and democracy are still by far the most important ones. Let's hope that there is significant change in the new IFCSS leadership that it can carry further the pursue on human rights and democracy of all CSS's, for a better China. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Dawei Chang Date: Thu, 14 Jul 1994 21:48:50 -0400 Predidential Nominee of IFCSS YONGJUN ZHOOU Chairman, Independent Federation of Chinese Students, Stenotype Academy Address : 315-104 Street, Apt. 10E, New York, NY 10025 Tel : (718) 438-3515 Sex : Male DOB : 09/26/1967 POB : Sichuan, China EDUCATION: BS. Candidate, Stenotype Academy, College For Paralegal Training, Expected May 1996 LL.B. China University of Political Science & Law (CUPSL), 1989. (Degree withheld by (CUPSL). BACKGROUND INFORMATION: Organizer of CUPSL Student Demonstration. On April 15 1989, right after the death of Hu Yaobang, Zhou held an emergency meeting with the fellow student activists in CUPSL. On April 17,1989, Zhou organized CUPSL students to protest in Tian An Men Square. This CUPSL's demonstration was followed by other Universities and colleges in Beijing such as Peking University (April 18, 1989). Zhou initiated and orgaiized Tian an Men Square Student Demonstration Coordinating group with Liu Gang on April 19, 1989. Chairman of Beijing Independent Federation of College/Unvieristy Students. On April 22, 1989, the Coordinating Group, joined with 22 Universitiess met at the residence of Liu Gang to Establish the Independent Federation of students of Beijing("Beijing Interim Union of College and College and Unversity Students"). Mr Zhou was elected as the Chairman, and Wuer kaixi as Vice Chairman. The headquarter of the Union was at the sixth floor of the student dorm building, CUPSL. That Independent Student Union was the key orgainzer of the 1989 pro-democracy movement during April and May until it was replaced by subsequent student organizations organized on the scene of the Tian an men Square in mid-May 1989. Promoter and Co-founder of the Beijing Solidarity Labor Union. On 15 of May, 1989, Mr. Zhou received donation of RMB10,000 from Mr. Runnan Wan and Stone Corportation for Zhou's personal emergency travel expenses ( money for life saving escaping in case). With these money, Mr. Zhou, However, leased a truck equiipped with generator, walkee-talkee, and louder speaker to organize workers to join the movement. On May 21, 1989, Mr. Zhou held a meeting at his "Publicity/Propaganda Truck" With Hand Dongfang, Zhao Pinglu,ShenYinhan, Li Jinjin, He Lili, Xiao Delong, Qi Zhenyu and Liu Qiang. That meeting gave the birth to the Beijing Solidarity Labor Union. Zhou was elected as the menber of its standing committee responsible for Publicity (No one was chairman or president). Hunger Striker and Key Organizer of Student-Government Dialogue. Mr.Zhou joined the student hunger strike and was sent to hospital for emergency resccue four times. He was also one of the key persons who organized the Student Delegation holding Dialogue with the CCP Governmant. Student Leader in Resistance with Armed Troops. Mr. Zhou is one of the most rationale individuals among student leaders in Tian An Men Squaare movement. He was also one of the few student/ worker leaders who called for resistance with the troops. After the troops opened fire at the peaceful civilians on June 4th 1989, Mr. Zhou was one of the student/worker leaders who last retreated from the Square area. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 15 Jul 94 09:49:07 -0400 From: Jinping Shi The democratic election and democratic operation of IFCSS arouse much concern in our community. It is very natural if one notice that there are a lot work promises in some candidates's statement while the work orientation of IFCSS should in fact be directed by the Bills passed by 6DA in theory. I second Yuejun Tong's suggestion that "whenever there is a need for IFCSS to represent it's opinion, poll the CSS". This is necessary to deal with emerging events. The technical problem is how and where to do the POLL. I suggest some representive can submit a bill to 6DA to build a poll panel consisting of selected people who regularly check their e-mails. Actually we need two such systems. One is the group of all 6DA representives for decision purposes. Another is the group of ordinary students for the opinion survey of all chinese community. Only if IFCSS operates democratically, can it represent the whole CSS community. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 15 Jul 1994 13:33:53 -0400 (EDT) From: Yan Huan Cohesiveness and Diversity? -----Discussion with Xing Zheng on his Campaign Platform I have noticed that both presidential candidate group talked about the diversity. Mr. Xing Zheng wants diversity and cohesiveness, Mr. Luo Ning wants to reach out and let IFCSS truly represent as many CSS as possible. Well, these are political correct things, both candidate groups are well conscious of mentioning these good things. The question: How can you, Mr. Xing Zheng, obtain the cohesiveness and diversity? You gave the answer: To be OPEN, FAIR, PATIENT, HONEST and RESPECTING. These are nice things to say. But how can lead the public to believe that you are OPEN, FAIR, PATIENT, HONEST and RESPECTING? As you said in your article, to be OPEN and HONEST, you won't hide any facts or cover-up any mistakes. Recently an IFCSS official said "I have learned that some people are very actively collecting 'dark side, including in Cornell and U. Maryland'". People are just confused by this statement and maybe letting the public knowing your being innocent is the first step toward being open and honest. Another thing is related to the being PATIENT and RESPECTING. How could you both Xing Zheng and Liu Yuhe let the public believe that you will be patient and respectful to the different opinions in CSS community? Here I just recall a true story (in case you forget): Once you (one of Xing Zheng and Liu Yuhe) were in a public committee. There was once a dispute within the committee on whether to adopt a resolution or not. The debate was hot and the decision was difficult to make. You threatened again and again to committee members that if the committee adopted the resolution in opposition to your favor, you would leave the committee ("I will be out", as you said). Although you kept this kind of threatening, you wouldn't never leave. Instead, those committee members who held the idea different from yours were finally out (they left the committee) because your lack of patience and respect to other people of different opinion and lack of professional manner. So my question is: how could you both (Xing Zheng/Liu Yuhe) be patient and respectful enough to keep the IFCSS cohesiveness to accommodate the majority of CSS? As you said that the opinions and the interests of the CSS would be diversified, if you could not accommodate the different opinions/interests in a small committee as I described above, how could you accommodate the different opinions and interests in such a large organization as IFCSS? If there is not diversity and different opinions and interests are suppressed and discouraged and threatened, how could you achieve the cohesiveness in our CSS community? You are not talking about establishing an IFCSS that only represent your own opinions, aren't you? ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 15 Jul 1994 03:11:29 -0500 From: yuhe@tornado.gcn.uoknor.edu (Yuhe Liu) My Reply to Shen Shen Kong's Questions Yuhe Liu It seemed that my first part of reply to Shen Shen Kong did not get through the network to the CCNL net. In order to simplify, I am going to put everything together. For those who didn't have chance to read Shen Shen Kong's questions, please read the enclosed for reference. I appreciate Shen Shen Kong's interesting and cocerning on the IFCSS campaign. Even he does not go to the Congress, I'd like to directly answer all the questions in the message. The major activities I involved in the IFCSS business are two: a. As a newcomer I have been voluntarily Worked in the IFCSS Newcomers Working Committee chaired by Mr. Liu Chengyan. b. as a retired council member, I tried my best to provide my experience to the Council and HQ. As a newcomer and member of the NC committee, I supported and made my best efforts to the NC Academic Fund and the promotion of HQ's appeal letter to Mr. Clinton for the two-year visa extention for newcomer CSS in the US. I wrote an article, "MFN and Protection", which gave the detailed (my personal) analyses to the MFN and protection issue. The article was published on LCnet. Although I definitely sent it to the CCF, it seemed they were not interested. I was not surprised by this, since none of the editors, including Luo Ning, the Editor-in-Chief, needed extra protection. I don't have any "Direct Post Privilege" on any moderated network. It reminded me all the warmest responses I received, including Luo Ning's, after I wrote an article on the then free-post China-net to support the CSPA lobby in 1992. Now things changed. This was the first time I feel how important the media people could be. Thanks to Liu Chengyan and LCnet editors for distributing the article on LCnet. To "identify and represent the majority view of CSS" is one of the hardest questions, not only for the presidency campaign, but also for the IFCSS no matter whoever win the election. Hundreds thousands CSS are distributed all over everywhere in the US. The view point on the issues of political, economical and cultural development in China, the interests and concerns among various CSS groups, and their expectation to the IFCSS, are so diversified that we almost couldn't have identical opinions on any issues. What the IFCSS should do is to represent the majority CSS's opinions and at the same time to let the minority be heard so that their interests will not be hurt. Now we get the question that you asked: how to identify the majority opinions? It is technically impossible to decide by vote from all CSS in the US. What we can do, if we are elected, is to create many two-way and multiway channels to collect the opinions from general CSS community. Specifically, we will 1. Carry out the resolutions passed by the Congress. The Congress is not only the highest authority of IFCSS, but also represents, at least legislatively, the majority of CSS in the US. 2. Carry out the Council's resolutions. As the IFCSS's standing legislature, it is supposed that the council represents the "popular opinions" of CSS. 3. We will set up channels for the IFCSS and local CSSOs to communicate with each other. These channels will lead us directly to our grassroots. 4. We will set up channels for the IFCSS to communicate with many ordinary CSS individuals. These channels will provide objective and raw data for our decision making. During the 6th IFCSS Congress, we will present you our detailed plans. I believe you will find that our plans are very constructive, practical, and feasible. On the financial dispute, I believe thing should not have been that complicated. I supported the council's inspection. As a retired council member, I believe that the IFCSS must establish a routine inspecting procedure in order for the council to supervise the IFCSS financial operation. Therefore, I supported the inspection and when dispute occurred, I tried my best to get all involved parties to keep rational to the issue. Unfortunately, the things got out of order very soon. However, the support to the inspection didn't mean I support everything done by the IT or the council. I just can't tolerate any violation of rules, especially the one who was in the position to make the rules. I felt very angry that some of IFCSS veterans, who I respected a lot for their knownlege and roles in professionalizing the IFCSS, put their group interests in higher priority than the IFCSS's as a whole organization and encouraged people in the council to violate the rules. The open letter was the typical example of such violation. The consequence was obviously terrible. The relation between the HQ and Council somehow is the key to the IFCSS operation. Around the time of the first meeting of the 5th term council, there happened a hot debate on the IFCSSVC net, which is a club net with many current council members, svc members, HQ staff, and many IFCSS veterans, about the relationship between the HQ and Council. The major differences were actually about the interpretion of the IFCSS Constitution, i.e., the Charters and Bylaws. Let me briefly give the two sides' main ideas first. Side 1. The Council is the "boss" since she is defined as the legal representative, the board of directors, of the IFCSS. The HQ is only an executive branch and hence can only do what the council tells. Side 2. The IFCSS is built on the base of three-power structure. The Council and HQ are equally important in the structure. By registering as a non-profit organization with her Charters and Bylaws, the IFCSS's three-power structure is protected by the US laws. You can't just take some of stuff from the Charters. Since the SVC is supposed not involving in the daily business, the relation between the Council and HQ looks more like the partnership, one is the administration and another is the legislature, checking and balance. I was in the Side 2. The IFCSS history has proven that, any time when the Council and HQ have in somehow harmonic relation, the IFCSS can achieve more, otherwise the IFCSS could be in big mess. At least I think, the success of the CSPA lobby during the 4th term more or less supports my point view. I couldn't imagine the 5th term was able to solve the problem caused by Zhao Haiqing. During this term, some council members tried to contact the IFCSS lawyers to seek for the US laws' help to solve the IFCSS internal dispute. They believe they were the "boss" and their rights as the "boss" were violated because the HQ didn't listen to them. On the other hand, we have such a president who didn't want to listen anybody, but himself. The IFCSS structure has been a hot debate topic since the day the IFCSS established. There are many good ideas and suggestions as well as their weak points. I don't think five years is really a short moment for an organization. From my observation and understanding, many, if not most, of problems that the IFCSS experienced were not because of the imperfect constitution, but because of violations of the constitution. Therefore, I don't support to sharply change the structure. We should learn do our job constitutionally first. This doesn't mean not to improve the consitution. In fact, we do plan to amend the current constitution to more clearly specify the IFCSS President and Council members' power, duty, rights, and responsibility. To answer the question, "what need to be done to get more CSS involved in IFCSS operation", we must first ask, what the CSS's expectation (of course, the majority views) to the IFCSS is. It is my understanding that the expectation has been defined in the IFCSS Constitution, that is, though not the exact words, the following three goals, * Promoting democracy and human rights in China; # Assisting the development of sciences, technology, economy, culature, and tion in China; * Representing and protecting the interests of CSS in the US. They are in a unit and can not be splited piece by piece, though can be in different priorities time by time. For five years, the IFCSS has put the first one in a highest priority and achieved a lot. Although the IFCSS has also paid great attention to the second and third one, there still have big rooms to be improved. Therefore, we will continue to stand firmly on the human rights in China, expand more practical and feasible exchange projects in order to help China's development, and strengthen the community services. Although anyone can talk about the three goals and make big promises, we will attract your attention to our constructive, practical, and feasible plans and projects, by which, we believe we can gain the CSS's trust. As new comers, we share the same concerns with others and will pay special attention to this issue. We believe we can gain the so-called "early-comers" help to overcome the difficulties the newcomers are facing. Again, I thank Shen Shen Kong for these good questions. I wish I my anwsers could satisfy you, or at least make sense to you to clarify my point of view on various issues. If you have further or follow up questions, please feel free to ask. Thank you very much for your concerns and attention. ------------------------------------- Enclosure: Shen Shen Kong's Questions > From: Shen Shen Kong - Diabetes > Date: Sun, 10 Jul 1994 07:41:21 EDT > To: CCNL > > To the candidates campaigning for the IFCSS president > > After reading the campaign announcement from Luo Ning/Liu > Chengyan and Xing Zheng/Liu Yuhe, I highly appreciated their > interest to run the IFCSS. I also have some questions > concerned me and my colleagues which I'd like to get clear > view from the candidates before making comment. Since I may > not have the opportunity to attend the IFCSS 6th Congress, > I'd like to post these questions here for answers. > > 1. What's your major activity involved in or contribution > to the IFCSS since last Congress? > > 2. What's your role in IFCSS programs carried by this term > HQ or opinion on them, such as insurance program, E-fund, > consultation services, newcomer protection or the programs related > to China? > > 3. What do you think the best way is to identify and > represent the majority view of CSS here, since both of you > pointed out you would pay attention to this issue? > > 4. Please give your view on the IFCSS financial issue raised > by this term council's Financial Committee, such as the > "financial scandal" open letter, financial operation, etc. > > 5. What kind of relationship you expect between the HQ and > council? What do you think need to improve based on this > term's experience? > > 6. To Luo Ning/Liu Chengyan: since the "Open Letter (from > Financial Committee)" was published in CND/CCF,there have > been some criticism that only negative story on IFCSS > attracted attention from both nets. You are the board > members of these two nets, so what are your opinions on these > criticism? How would IFCSS deal with the public nets? > > 7. To Xing Zheng/Liu Yuhe: Being new comers, what need to > be done to get more CSS (old or new comers) involved in IFCSS > operation? > > To Luo Ning: As an IFCSS veteran, what evidence do you have > to prove that "political extremism " , as you emphasized in > your announcement, "is the key reason for the continuing > decline of participation" in the IFCSS? > > 8. There has been different views on what role the IFCSS > should or can play in the issues concern CSS. What's your > view on the relationship between the IFCSS and other groups > and organizations? > For instance, It was said that Luo Ning suggested to delete > IFCSS's name from CBS Incident Committee, if it is true then > what was your concern to do so? As pointed out in IRC news > release (1), "IFCSS has the moral obligation to lend the > Committee whatever assistance it deems appropriate and is > capable of", is this your view to position the IFCSS "in > other sensitive issues where the interests of members of our > community have been infringed upon"? > Xing Zheng is heading the IFCSS's task force to handle Zhao > Hua's case, how did you deal with other groups? > > 9. Both of you recognized the importance for the IFCSS to > take the position in "political" issues. I don't want to ask > your view on detailed issues, but I had some confusion in Luo > Ning's announcement article. Since as you can see, these are > important points, would Luo Ning spend few more words here? > > First, for the "promoting human rights in china" issue, you > claimed that "putting its emphasis on people, rather than on > government (I guess here means Chinese people and CG?)" will > be the way for the IFCSS to "regain the wide spread > grassroots support it had enjoyed in early years". I'm not > sure what exactly your point is here. > > Second, in terms of MFN issue, you mentioned "taking MFN as > a weapon in the political fight, they stand at side of some > US Congressman/women" when you criticized the HQ's "politics- > oriented operation mode". Does this mean that you are > against "taking MFN as a weapon" and "stand at side of some > US Congressman/women"? > > Than you for your attention. Good luck for both of you. > (I do wish to see the answers soon) > > Send to: CCNL, IRC, P-N- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 15 Jul 94 11:16:02 EDT From: Xiaodong Huang A Call for Professionalism in IFCSS So far there has been no formal explanation from the IFCSS HQ. How could it happen blatantly in the public again and again? Mr. Zhang Qingsong, a current IFCSS official and acting editor in chief of IFCSS Newsletter, jumps out to advocate views that are explicitly in favor of one pair of the presidential candidates(Xing Zheng/Liu Yuhe) and against the other pair. This clearly shows the nonprofessional spirit of the IFCSS officials and the IFCSS Headquarter. It is completely in contradiction to the spirit of a democratic organization. Should IFCSS not correct this kind of violation immediately, it will ultimately degrade itself and its image will definitely be damaged. This also shows the unprofessional spirit in Xing Zheng's campaign philosophy. As this kind of nonprofessionalism from a campaign member in Xing Zheng's campaign group (Mr. Zhang Qingsong ) happens again and again, people are really questioning the sincerity of the claim by Xing Zheng to promote professionalism in IFCSS. IFCSS can not tolerate this kind of unprofessionalism anymore. +=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=++ + Executive Editor: Weihe Guan CCF Editor-in-Chief: Changqing Yang + +--------------------------------------------------------------------------+ + For subscription: mail "SUB CHINA-NT Your-First-Name Your-Last-Name" + + to LISTSERV@UGA (bitnet) or listserv@uga.cc.uga.edu (internet) + + For unsubscription: mail "UNSUB CHINA-NT" to the above e-address + + For back issues of CCF: + + anonymous ftp to: cnd.org[132.249.229.100]: pub/community/CCF + + gopher to cnd.org: 2. English Menu --> 13. 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