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            ]]]    ]]]   ]]] ]]]   ]]] ]]]   ]]]    ]]]      No. 95003
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CSS Today Editorial Board                             csstoday@iastate.edu
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In This Issue


Freedom of Expression: Still a Major Concern of CSST in 1995


By DING Yungui/CSS Today CSST 95003

At the beginning of this new year, we editors at CSS Today would like to express our great appreciation to all our readers for understanding, participation, and support during the short history of CSS Today.

CSS Today started in the October of 1994. Since then, the path for this publication has not been all smooth, not easy at all. Four months' history is surely short, however, we don't lack painful experience in our editorial work.

Though started as a newsletter of IFCSS, CSS Today has made it clear since the very beginning that we are determined to pursue our ultimate goal, that is, a free press that bears all its right it should to let our readers know all the truth what they are entitled to. Along the way, CSS Today has endured the agony of being forced to close down; along the way, CSS Today has overcome the various difficulties to be reborn, stand up, and serve the community with genuine news and commentaries.

Entering the year of 1995, we are certain, as ever, that the CSS community is expanding, growing, and advancing in this land where we study, work and live. Entering the new year, we clearly see the tasks before us, we clearly see the challenges all of us are facing. We believe, CSS Today will grow and flourish together with our community. While uncertainties are abundant in life, one thing that we can assure you is: CSS Today will stand firm on what it believes in, and that is press freedom.

Nevertheless, the history, as short as CSS Today's or as long as China's, has repeatedly taught us that nothing could be taken for granted. While we have to fight hard for the right to know in this country, we don't need any great imagination to realize how grave the situation could be back in our home land. Just recently, we have noticed that Beijing journalist GAO Yu was sentenced to six years. Her "crime" was supposedly "leaking state secret". While we can't see any "secret" from GAO's reports, what we see in this case is the unjustified interference from the government. Anyone familiar with China could not fail to figure out the real reason behind. It is another example how easily a journalist in China could become a victim of political agenda.

And that was not a lonely case. China's first color-printed newspaper, Xian Dai Ren Bao, was forced to shut down on the 31st of last month. Again, we see political interference played a key role in the ill fate of this liberal newspaper.

All these remind us again that there is still a long way to go for us to respect the right to speak and to grant the right to know.

CSS Today will be part of that historic effort, together with many others.

(The author is the editor-in-chief of CSS Today)


CSPSIS: Being Part of the Mainstream Studies in the Untied States ....... 34
By HUANG Xiaoming/CSPSIS CSST 95003

Another year of accomplishments and memories. Another year of hope and expectations. Chinese Scholars of Political Science and International Studies (CSPSIS) wish CSS Today readers a happy new year.

Chinese Scholars of Political Science and International Studies (CSPSIS) is a registered non-profit organization in the United States and funded by grants from private foundations and other donations. It was established in 1986 to promote scientific research and academic exchange among Chinese scholars who study, teach and conduct research in political science, international relations and other related disciplines in the United States; to promote academic exchanges between Chinese and American scholars and between CSPSIS and American academic associations and institutions; and to promote academic exchange among China scholars around the world. It has around 200 members. It publishes newsletters, holds annual conventions, organizes academic conferences and sponsors research projects and publications. We invite corporate and individual memberships.

In the past two years, CSPSIS has made impressive progress in advancing professionalism of CSPSIS, quality of CSPSIS projects and programs, and academic and institutional communications of CSPSIS with academic institutions, professional organizations and funding foundations in and outside the United States. We will continue to work with the same spirit in the coming years to help our members to become part of the mainstream studies of political science and international relations in the Untied States; to be contributive to the dynamic progress of social and intellectual development in China; and to be associated with each other for the best interests of our own. Last year, we had a very successful conference on China with the East-West Center in Hawaii. We are planing to hold a major international conference this summer in China. We invite participation of interested scholars and financial sponsors.

At this very beginning of a new year, we wish every reader of CSS Today a very productive and exciting year.

(The author is the current president of CSPSIS)


Send Your Letter to Norway


By LI Daowei CSST 95003

This October, the committee in Oslo, Norway will announce the winner of the 1995 Nobel Peace Prize. Famous Chinese dissident WEI Jingshen's nomination has been urged by many Chinese and Americans.

CSS Today in its previous issues has carried a series of articles on the topic. We notice the deadline for Nobel nomination is Feb. 1, and we hereby encourage all concerned CSS to act accordingly. The address for sending nomination letter is: Norwegian Nobel Committee, The Nobel Institute, Drammensvn, 19 N-0255 Oslo, Norway (please note there are certain credential for nomination, and refer to CSS Today articles in issues 9408, 9410 and 9411 for more details).


Return the IFCSS to Her "SS" Root


By Eddie Cheng CSST 95003

The IFCSS, as the Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars, was founded as a student organization. The first version of her Charter defines membership as CSS organizations (CSSA) in US colleges and institutes. (The "Scholars" in the title is understood as "Visiting Scholars" in these institutes.) Specifically, each institution is entitled to have ONE member in the Federation to participate the annual Congress and enjoy ONE vote.

It was not long before some veterans realized that they could not stay in school forever and feared to lose their influence to "new-comers" in this vital battlefield they called "our baby". A series of reforms took place that scratched the school restrictions, so much so that as few as 10 people could form a pet group and acquire the same right as a legitimate CSSA in a big campus.

These groups, with names like "Go Club" and "Qi Gong Fan Club", became a force which overshadowed the campus CSSA's in the Congress. Their rank covered candidates on both major presidential tickets and a bunch of elected Council members including the Chairman. By their sheer number, they also engineered the infamous "majority coup", in which a large collection of legitimate delegates, including that from UC Berkeley, were deprived of their voting rights.

They further ridiculed the grass-root status of campuses with the presence of multiple delegations like the famous "Buffalo 9" and "Blackberg 5". Not coincidentally, the former (9 votes) all went for Luo Ning and the latter all for Xing Zheng. The regional representation, so carefully designed in the Charter, became a running joke when a Council member from the Pacific region could only be located, ever since the day of his election, on the coast of the other ocean--the Atlantic. Oh, by the way, neither of the two Council members in the Pacific region has a campus affiliation.

The bigger question is, of course, whether IFCSS should continue to be an organization of students or become another collection of politician wannabes. Past administrations of the IFCSS had been dominated by 40-somethings who usually abandon their academics during or after the service, not exactly a fancy image for a student organization.

It is time for IFCSS to seriously examine her root.

During the last Presidential campaign, both major candidates spent more time organizing as many as possible fringe groups as their voting machines than connecting with the local CSSA's. This may be an easy way to an election victory, but is detrimental to real grass-root participance. Ironically, the eventual winner of that rat race, President Luo Ning, boasted a campaign slogan of "taking IFCSS back to her grass-roots". Now, half a term later, little if anything is accomplished for this President who came to "change". No surprise either. It is far easier to get 10 buddies for a vote than to convince a local CSSA. When a campus can have 5 to 7 independent delegations to the Congress, the CSSA has little incentive to care what is going on there in any case.

It is indeed time to change. It is time to preserve IFCSS. It is time to return to her root of the `SS'. It is time for IFCSS to make an effort to be the organization of, by, and for the 20-somethings who are students. This fastly aging "baby" can certainly use some youth, after all, in her search for a new national agenda.

Some may smack this proposal as the "academic elitism". Well, no. Not before IFCSS is renamed as the Independent Federation of Chinese Students, Scholars, Technicians, Businessmen, and Politicians. Simply put, those who have left academia to pursue other interests should no longer manipulate a student organization. They could, of course, form alumni groups associated with the CSSA in their alma mater to maintain certain, but limited, influence.

To those who need some extra incentive, think about that "majority coup". It was claimed that the coup was necessary to prevent a take-over from Dr. Wang Bingzhan's ZMD. That motive itself is morally questionable and the coup is certainly legally challengeable. Nonetheless, they should be reminded that WBZ is not a person to swallow such humiliation lightly and it is unlikely his troop would be late and unprepared for the next IFCSS Congress. Given the current structure, it won't be too hard for an organized effort to create, literally, a majority.

To achieve this goal of returning IFCSS to her SS root, a serious reevaluation of the current Charter is called for. This should be done in an extended and open debate before the next Congress. Time is starting to run out. But there is a golden opportunity for this President.


WEI: the Perfect Nobel Candidate


By Eastern Express CSST 95003

The nomination of China's most famous dissident, WEI Jingsheng, for next year's Nobel Peace Prize will surprise no one who has followed the man's courageous, unflinching, 15-year crusade to bring democracy to his country. Nor is it likely to surprise his persecutors in Beijing, who would almost certainly interpret the nomination, made by 58 United States senators, as yet another part of the US conspiracy against the People's Republic of China, and will publicly dismiss it as such.

For America's part, the gesture goes some way to compensate for the decision of the Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, to duck out of a meeting with Wei during his visit to discuss human rights in China in March.

Since his release from solitary confinement, a victim of heart trouble and missing many teeth through malnutrition, WEI has not been able to enjoy his "freedom" as an ordinary citizen, but it has not deterred him from peaceful protest. His spirit was not broken by the ordeal, nor was his will or determination crushed. He resumed his old crusade as fearlessly and as enthusiastically as if his long years of imprisonment had never happened. For that, he has been constantly harassed; taken into custody and held without cause, exiled, threatened with charges of treason and other absurd and unsubstantiated accusations. Nothing has directed him from his single-minded pursuit of free speech, democracy and justice for his fellow countrymen. Nor has his personal suffering or individual loss of liberty provoked any bitterness or anger.

Wei has consistently sought change by peaceful means, since his early days as a prime mover behind the "Democracy Wall" posters in the late 1970s. He has written and spoken out fearlessly for what he so ardently believes in, and at the heart of that is the hope that China will one day embrace democracy, and recognize human rights, without further bloodshed and suffering, because it is the will of the people, and there is a limit to how long that will can go on being ignored.

He deserves the nomination, and it is entirely appropriate that it should have been endorsed by so many people in the free world. It may afford the former electrician greater protection in his present vulnerable position. The Chinese government will find it difficult to pursue their current repressive policy towards Wei when the attention of the international community is so fondly focused on him as a potential Nobel prize winner.

But as yesterday's atrocity in Israel demonstrates, even the Nobel Peace Prize brings no assurances of success. It can be overshadowed by tragedy, and set about by controversy. The wounds of the Middle East will not be healed overnight, and there are extremists on both sides who have no interest in tolerance and forgiveness. They remain obsessed by a thirst for revenge, or for racial supremacy, and international awards for the architects of peace in their territory only add fuel to the fire of their fanaticism.

Israel's Prime Minister described the bomb in the bus station as "an act by the enemies of peace". Yitzhak Rabin shares the Peace Prize this year with Yasser Arafat, but Arafat's nomination provoked cries of outrage and resignations from members of the voting committee, protesting that the head of a former terrorist organization should not be the recipient of a prize for peace.

There have been other winners through the years whose past has been closed by association with terrorist organizations or violent acts. South Africa President Nelson Mandela was the head of an organization which pursued its fight for justice and freedom through armed struggle.

Le Due Tho, the veteran leader of the Vietnamese Communist Party, was another recipient whose past involved warfare and bloodshed, yet whose name went forward in an award made jointly with the US secretary of state Dr. Henry Kissinger in 1973. Le Due Tho refused to accept the award and the peace agreement did not hold.

In every corner of the world there are tragic examples of the fact that one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter, and the debate will continue as to whether any individual is suitable to be nominated for a peace award, except where they have consistently pursued a path of non-violence. In this respect, WEI has the perfect background.

Apart from his political adversaries in his homeland, there are none who can accuse WEI Jingsheng of any ignoble act. He has an unblemished record of personal sacrifice, and a complete disregard for his own safety and well-being. His weapons have been his pen and his courage. Regardless of how the Beijing government may react, most of his fellow countrymen, who make up one quarter of the global population, regard Wei as one of the greatest Chinese patriots of the age.

(The article was an editorial of Eastern Express, October 20, 1994)


Nobel Peace Prize: Is WEI Jingsheng the Best Choice?


By SHU Li CSST 95003

Recently, WEI Jingsheng's name has been heard frequently as a possible nominee for the Nobel Peace Prize: the U.S. Congress talked about it, President LUO Ning of the IFCSS endorsed it, as did the IFCSS Council, which passed unanimously a resolution to support the nomination.

The sentiment among the oversea Chinese calling for such a nomination is easily understood, and by all means with merits. WEI Jingsheng has been the symbol of the repression upon its people by the Communist Chinese government, and the symbol of the irrepressiblity of the ongoing struggle for freedom and democracy in China. His nomination would send a strong message of disapproval to the Chinese government for its violation of human rights. Moreover, if WEI Jingsheng is actually awarded the Nobel Prize it would mark the first time in history that a Chinese from China wins the prize.

For those same reasons I support the nomination of a Chinese dissident for the Nobel Peace Prize. But before we jump on the WEI Jingsheng bandwagon we must carefully examine what his ideas were and what did he do before his arrest. It is this examination that has led me to believe that Wei Jingsheng is not the best choice.

While his passionate advocate of "democracy" is undoubtly progressive and his extraordinary courage undoubtly admirable, WEI Jingsheng was nevertheless more rhetorical than intellectual. As progressive as he was in advocating his idea of democracy, WEI Jingsheng was never able to free himself from the prevalent "class struggle" ideological framework. His idea of democracy is a very vague one which can at best be summarized as "people govern those who govern" or "people govern themselves". It was perhaps this vagueness which led him to believe that the former Yugoslavia is a democracy. Wei Jingsheng believed that democracy is a balance and even a struggle between those who govern and people. To him "people" is a highly homogeneous body possessing no complexity and self-contradictions. Therefore a leader can either obey people, in which case he becomes a good leader, or deride people, in which case he becomes a "robber" who "robs people like capitalists rob the blood and sweat of workers."

Among the articles WEI Jingsheng wrote for the Wall of Democracy, he had never mentioned brought up the concept of human rights. This is hardly surprising, giving his inability to go beyond the "class struggle" framework. When he was forbidden by the authority to post (actually mostly because of his staunch anti-Deng Xiaoping stand), he did not defend himself on the ground of freedom and human rights. Instead, he called the action by the authority an act against people because he voice was the voice of people, paying little attention to the fact that overwhelming majority of the Chinese people weren't even aware that there was such a thing called Wall of Democracy.

Those limitations of WEI Jingsheng are all easily found from his writings before his arrest. Reading his writings, one can't help but to see a great deal of unmistakable resemblance between his passionate rhetorics and those in the "Communist Manifesto" and the song "The International."

So instead of WEI Jingsheng, I believe REN Wanding is a better choice for the Nobel Peace Prize. Like WEI Jingsheng, REN Wanding was an active dissident at the same time, actively posting his dissenting opinions on the Wall of Democracy. And like WEI Jingsheng, he was arrested by the government for his dissenting but never gave up his belief. But unlike WEI Jingsheng, REN Wanding's view was mature and intellectual, which included calls for human rights much like the those we are calling today.

Finally, I would like to say that while we should be grateful for their support of human rights in China we should be careful in following the lead of the U.S. Congressional leaders. Most of them know little if at all about China. Had we followed them in 1990, we would have jumped on the CAI Ling bandwagon and regret it today.


Second Conference of Young Scientists Calls for Paper


By WANG Yaxin/CAL CSST 95003

The 2nd CAST Academic Conference of Young Scientists will be held July 26-28, 1995 in Beijing, China. It is the largest academic project in series initiated and sponsored by CAST for young scientists.

The conference is intended to provide a high level and multi-disciplinary forum for young Chinese scientists (at and under age 45) both at home and abroad to discuss a wide range of issues related to the development of science, technology, economy and society; to exchange new ideas, experiences and recent results of scientific research; to make comments and recommendations on long term national development plan of science and technology and to promote further cooperation in the area of science and technology.

The scope of the topics includes 1. Life Science; 2. Materials Science; 3. Information and Space Science; 4. Resources and environmental sciences; 5. Basic Science; 6. Agricultural Science; 7. Engineering Technology and 8. Soft Science. Papers are solicited to be written in Chinese with not more than 4000 Chinese characters on A4 (210x297mm) squared or line papers.

All interested individuals please send the paper to Yaxin Wang, Ph.D. CAL President, 2496 Derbyshire Rd. #9, Cleveland Hts., OH 44106, by March 5, 1995. Registration form can be obtained by sending an e-mail to yxw5@po.cwru.edu, or post mail to the above address, or to call/fax at (216)932-1842.

The registration fee is RMB 200 by March 15, 1995, and RMB 300 after that date.

Accommodation and meals will be provided for participants. The participants should cover all other expenses.

For more information, please contact: Mr. Ren Xueke, 54 Sanlihe Road, Beijing 100863, China Tel: (861) 832-3811, (861)832-1924 FAX: (861) 832-1914

This conference is sponsored by State Science and Technology Commission, State Education Commission, Ministry of Personnel, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Chinese Academy of Engineering, National Natural Science Foundation of China, Bureau of Foreign Experts Affairs. Overseas co-sponsors are Chinese Academic Link (CAL) and Chinese Asso. for Science and Technology in USA.


Root of Civilization and Role of Religion


From YANG Changqing CSST 95003

Dear Editor,

I am writing to you to comment Professor OUYANG Ming's article "Looking forward to a Peaceful Year of Pig", published on CSS Today 95002.

Prof. OUYANG claimed that Britain, France and China are "the three great origins of human civilization". This statement is far from the truth. Not to mention the civilization of ancient Egypt, India and west Asian region, the civilization of Greece and ancient Rome Empire were hundreds years old than those of Britain and France. While those two countries have been a predominant force in world politics in the past three centuries, although there are distinct characters in the culture and civilization of these two countries, their civilization is really the continuation of those of ancient Greece and Rome Empire.

I can not agree with Prof. OUYANG's assessment about the British monarchy but that was just his personal opinion. I do not intend to argue.

But Prof. OUYANG went further to claim: "Religion not only helps a society to keep different people living together in harmony, as in France today, but also enables history to ease many human tragedies, so France will never experience bloody revolution again."

This argument about religion is totally absurd. Religions, from the ancient time until today, have always been a key source of war. You do not have to look further. Take a look at Bosnia, Mid-East, Northern Ireland, Armenia, etc. Religion has always been a key factor for the ethnic cleansing, hatred and mutual destruction. The current debate on abortion in the US and subsequent killing is also religious driven. Nothing separates people more than religion.

As for France, for Notre Dame in Paris, I am not sure whether Professor OUYANG ever heard of Vicotr-Maire Hugo, whether aware the ugly crimes committed under the solemn roof hundreds years ago. Only because of the bloody revolution could a bourgeoisie republic being born and terminated the mid-age monarchy which basicly used religion as its weapon to oppress any attempt to destroy the feudalist system. The most significant achievement of French Revolution was that it destroyed the church's control of state and built a republic.

To say religion kept France from another bloody revolution is ignorant to history. To say religion keeps people together in harmony is totally disregarding the reality. To promote religion without knowing the facts of religion is entirely irresponsible to history and to the people.


Financial Inspection: More to Say


From ZHOU Hongguang CSST 95003

Dear author c/o CSS Today

I read your article "Brain, Biceps and Lawsuit" in CSS Today 95002 with great interest. While enjoying your humor, I would like to take the chance to clarify some crucial points in the so call financial inspection.

The 5th term IFCSS accounting books were "great" except a discrepancy of more than tens of thousands of dollars, which in no way could be explained with the records the Inspection Team could get from the IFCSS HQ. After shouting loadly to teach us lesson not only the layman Inspection Team members but all CSS on Internet, the year-long experienced and seasoned so-appointed IFCSS Treasurer submitted an involuntary resignation and quitted the underpaid half-time job of more than $12,000.00 a year. Since the problem of mismanagement of IFCSS finance which had possibly accumulated ever since the founding of IFCSS was revealed by the IT, the good guys of IFCSS could not put up with such rebellious action. If the uncle bears, how could the uncle-in-law also bear? They all blame those who dared reveal the IFCSS finance to its constituents for the problems which had nothing to do with those poor guys personally, who happened to discover such great accounting book practice in their faithful implementation of the so-called 5th IFCSS Council's resolution.


My Case Is An Isolated One


From LI Chenjian CSST 95003

Dear CSS Today Editor,

I just read CSS Today 95002 and as usual appreciated many good articles in it. However, I am a little surprised to see that in the article entitled "Ten big events of ifcss in 1994", my name was mentioned in the context of "CCP hats flying", and I was portraited as a victim of this irresponsible way. I feel that I have to explain a little, and wish you to put it as a reply from reader next time.

First, although it is not required to inform me before this kind of writing is published, I still feel it would have been much better to contact me first. The reason is not only politeness, more, it is to be careful since the writing could be misleading, especially put into a contaxt. This time, the writing doesn't hurt me at all, but it might be unfare to other people.

Second, it is true that I don't agree with people who use "CCP" as an easy cheap shot, and I felt the agony when I am groundlessly smeared. However, the incident that I experienced was not a part of a big picture of two different schools of thinking struggling in ifcss (i.e., hardliners vs. moderators, ). Instead, I strongly believe that it was an isolated, separate case between individuals.

Third, I have not been a "CCC" member, nor "Tempo", although I have been an ifcss worker. This time when I was wrongly accused, many friends from both "groups" gave strong support and were very kind to me. Actually, not even one person from VC net joined the accusation. I feel it is not accurate to put my case into the category of "internal group fights". Again, it is an isolated case, which has nothing to do with groups. The reason I have to explain this is that I believe we ( CCC, Tempo, and free-agents) have more common ground, common goal, common kindness than differences.

It is not such a big deal, but I would like to explain to you, since CSS Today makes a big publicity.


Where Is the Story from the Other Side?


From L. Cao CSST 95003

I enjoy reading many of your articles. They are fun and informative. At the same time, the opinions are not balanced at all. I am sure the other side has their story to tell, but I could not find them in your journal. That is the biggest pity.


Democracy


By WANG Yang CSST 95003

o o o o

When Alexander Pope, the English poet, was a young man, he wondered whether to join a political party. He asked the advice of Joseph Addison, the essayist, who told him, "No." Addison explained: "You, who will deserve the praise of the whole nation, should not content yourself with just half of it."

o o o o

When Jame F. Byrnes was Secretary of State, he tried to explain democracy to Soviet foreign minister Molotov. He used a simple example. "It is like this," he said. "I can go to Washington and enter the White House and no one can stop me. I can ask to see President Truman and no one will refuse me. I can shout in public `Harry Truman is a damned fool' and no one will shoot me. That's democracy." Molotov looked at Byrnes, as stone-faced as ever. "It is exactly the same with us," he said. "I can go to Moscow and enter the Kremlin and no one can stop me. I can ask to see Comrade Stalin and no one will refuse me. I can shout in public `Harry Truman is a damned fool' and no one will shoot me."


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