CSS Today
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---Engaging Chinese Government in the Discourse and Practice of Human Rights
IFCSS , conceived at the wake of the pro-democracy movement of 1989 that was brutally suppressed by the Chinese government, is proud to claim the heritage left by the courageous young students and citizens who held peaceful demonstration on Tiananmen Square five days ago.
Central to this heritage in one sense may well be characterized as pursuits of democracy and human rights in China. Human rights in China have been and will continue to be a persisent part of our agenda. We will continue to raise and promote awareness of human rights situation in China and abroad, to work with other NGO's such as Human Rights in China, Human Rights Watch Asia, Amnesty International to closely monitor and scrutinize the development in the human rights front, and condemn and denounce any act of violation and abuse of human rights on the part of the Chinese government, and keep up the pressure from the international community.
At a time when trade and jobs rather than human rights and political freedom seems to command more attention from the interantional community, governments of the advanced democracies, we are challenged to reflect on the past successes and frustrations along the path of promoting human rights in China, and explore new ways of thinking and strategies in the post-MFN era.
What we would like to propose here for discussion is an approach that can be essentially described as an "engaging" rather than an isolationist one. This will entail strategic shift in our perspective and our whole framework of thinking. Specifically, we propose the following:
Firstly, we should seek to engage the Chinese government into the international dialogue on human rights. It is our understanding that the improvements of human rights conditions can only be significantly materialized with the efforts by Chinese government. One way we can win the "efforts" rather than "gesture" in this regard is to engage Chinese government into the dialogue of human rights issues. To do so would help China become an actor who participates in taking initiatives, rather than merely a target at the defendant's stand.
Admitting that China's position and take on the human rights agenda has been extremely problematic and disturbing, we have to acknowledge that China does have its human rights agenda, partly as a result of many years of communicative interaction with various parties inside and outside China. While the international pressures are always important, such pressures can be made more effective if it can be communicated across and then translated into a force that may stimulate Chinese government to work out its own human rights strategies. If we want the human rights as we perceive it in the West to be included in the Chinese government's official agenda, we have to allow the Chinese government a reciprocal position.
Secondly, we therefore have to enlarge the scope of our work in this area to pursue a broader, more open and more inclusive human rights agendas. In our opinion, there is a general misconception among many people in China that human rights have to do with only prisoners of conscience, political dissidents and other activists who consist of but a handful of "elites". We believe such misperception has partly been created by our almost exclusive focus on the retention and persecution these people experienced. To engage the interest and participation of more people in both China and abroad in the advocacy of human rights, it is imperative that we see the connection between human rights abuse and violation and other social problems in China. In other words, we ourselves have to recognize that in many pressing social problems facing China today, unemployment, rural laborers "roaming" the urban areas, the price cap imposed on agricultural products, family planning policy, the working and living conditions of workers in joint-venture enterprises, environmental pollution, to name just a few of them, human rights is an integral, realistic part of the concern, not something irrelevant or far-fetched. If we expand our work on human rights to seriously and pragmatically deal with these issues, we will be able to strike a broader note of accord and gain the support of a larger portion of the population here and there. After all, it is the people in China who will determine their own ultimate fate and their county's. It is Chinese government's practice or implementation of human rights agenda of its own articulation that makes changes in the human rights conditions in the life of ordinary Chinese citizens.
However simple this may sound to be, controversies on such conceptualization are duely expected. It is our belief that open-minded debates may help better straighten strategies rather than bend a firm conviction. In the field of human rights in China, there is hard work ahead of us all. Yes, we are going to face the reality and are challenged to bring about changes of it.
(The author is the president of The Independent Federation Chinese Students and Scholars Association (IFCSS))
Five years or so ago, when the sweeping changes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the former Soviet Union seemingly justified what Fukuyama had argued "the end of history", people the world over were overwhelmingly persuaded by the fact that the hayday of communism is gone, and forever! The free world today is then not only free of military confrontation , more significantly, free of ideological competition. Never before in history do people come to believe, perhaps single-mindedly, in the rationality of democracy that has so powerfully proved to be an unchallengeable course toward a dignified world future.
Five years later, such an optimism on democracy has arguably but obviously waned. As a matter of fact, the discourse and practice of democracy become more complex and even ambiguous, constituting a debatable issue that concerns many from both the advanced democratic nations and emerging democracies. On January 19, 1995, a group of eminent scholars coming from Russia, Mexico and the United States, gathered in Washington ,D.C., revisiting the thesis of democracy in an attempt to assess "Democracy's Future" worldwide.
"Democracy's Future", a panel discussion sponsored by The International Forum for Democratic Studies of NED was an opening event of a series of activities for celebrating the fifth anniversary of the Journal of Democracy. Among 80 some participants were four panalists: Larry Diamond from NED, Denise Dresser from Mexico, Philippe Schmitter from Standford University, Lilia Shevtsova from Russia, with Marc Plattner as moderator. I was invited to this event and had an opportunity to join the discourse on democracy.
As I understand it, a clear message that had been communicated in the panel discussion, which I would like here to bring to the attention of the CSS community, is the more cautious tone of characterizing democracy as inevitable prospect of either existing but fragile democracies or nondemocratic nations in search of path toward nation-building and socioeconomic development. Panelist's worry about the fragility of emerging democracies and their emphasis on the modelling effects of advanced democracies in a way seriously challenged Fukuyama's the "end of history "thesis. Therefore, as to the democracy's future, they stressed more of the role particular countries, for instance, U.S. and France, may play and their continuous promoting efforts to consolidate democracies. The future of emerging democracies also depends on how well or badly the advanced democracies "behave" or "perform" , which is considered to be a factor that might very well influence the future of newly born democracies. The logic of democracy as implied in the thesis of the end of history was less strongly believed as it used to be. So, when solicited about a general view on the democracy's future around the world, one may be less convinced today than five years ago. It is unfortunate that Fukuyama failed to attend the event due to conflict of schedule. People really liked to hear what would have to say today.
Closely related to this general grasp of democracy's future, Marc Plattner explicitly pointed out that the Asian democracy ( or lack thereof) as in the context of China, Indonesia and Malaysia may very well represent an alternative paradigm. Unfortunately again, this topic is not further discussed at all, because I guess no one really knows more about it. I wished I could have said something had I become a bit more knowledgeable on this issue.
As China is now experiencing a transition to the Post-Deng era, discussions on such perennial issue of democracy seems more urgent and even indispensable. I would feel very much grateful, if my above debriefing on the panel discussion on Democracy's Future can serve as a springboard for more in-depth discourse among our CSS. So, please join us to stimulate a new round of debates on issues like democracy or human rights. Let us together contribute each of our own part so as to provoke new ideas, to spell out pragmatic agendas and to enrich our perspectives on the issues concerning "my country and my people".
(The author is the office manager of IFCSS HQ)
In recent days, we have seen many interesting but dangerous events in Chinese leadership.
In January, the Chinese delegate to the World Trade Organization(WTO) walked away abruptly without any hint about future talk, left the counterpart in Geneva wondering what was happening in Beijing. What happened in the talk shocked many people, who thought there is no reason for the Chinese government to take such a hard-line policy without thinking twice.
In early February, after a series fruitless talks on the intellectual property copyright with the United States, angry US Trade Representative Kantor announced trade sanctions against China for many low-cost products in the US. In return, Chinese Government announced sanctions against the US as a retaliation. Even it is widely perceived that the sanctions will not take into effect eventually, but the hard-line policy is again demonstrated from series talks and statements. It is clear that Beijing Government is really take a different measure in dealing with the members of the world community.
Now, the question in everyone's mind, including the heads of the states like President Clinton, is that who is really making decisions in Beijing? People may laugh that the question is odd because there is no doubt there are people make decisions in Beijing. However, observing the fact the decisions are not that should be made by president or prime minister, it is a ready conclusion that there is hardly people in the leadership can make decisions.
It is no doubt that as a developing country, China needs the vast markets for its low-labor products, such as we encounter daily in US supermarkets and discount stores. Also noting that the rapid economic expansion and plentiful trade surplus, none will doubt that the trade with the US is of vital importance for the continuous growing and prospering of China. If one take into account that all the products distributed in the US are those which were produced by other countries or regions such as Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, about ten years ago, it is not difficult to conclude that China is not in the position to upgrade the products by taking the advantages of this trade conflicts. In the contrast, if you notice that many other countries like Russia, India, and other former Communist nations are trying to catch up the paces to export their products to the vast markets of the US, the move in Beijing is easy to let people to wonder if the Beijing regime is already in disarray before the die of the paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping. If China can really give up the market share in the US, there is no doubt that these shelves will be filled with products from other countries eager to export their low-cost products in a more competitive price. People already noted this from Mr Kantor's hints about possible effects to US markets, saying that the US is diversifying the suppliers for these products. And, it should also be noted that many multinationals which need low-cost labors to make competitive products have already shifted some plants to other emerging nations like Vietnam. And, one US company did this before the trade war with the excuse that there is no guarantee that its supplier could use prisoners.
No matter what is the excuse for pulling out or imposing sanctions, it is clear that the current government in Beijing should make every possible efforts to avoid further deterioration of the trade disputes. China needs the world largest markets for various products, and many people in China are relying on the export business to make their ends meet. If the trade scenario comes, which means high tariffs for more and more products, and China shifts trade partnership to Europe, the ultimate loser will be Chinese people. There is no question that the markets and styles in Europe may not be compatible to Chinese products as some people in Beijing imagined, and it is hard to believe that Chinese business can make comparable profits by trading with many other countries such as in Middle East and Africa.
With this said, it is clear that the people who can make decision in Beijing should make the decision. Pushing US business out of China will not benefit to China first, since all the major business in the US, including many hopefuls like Boeing, GM, and others, are not living with Chinese market. However, their cutting-edge technology and knowhows will be best medicines for the ailing state-owned business, which have been running in red in many years. Considering the expanding appetite for US products and culture, the strong presence of US in Chinese markets will not intrigue noticeable nationalism sentiment. In the contrast, the influence and presence of US, both politically and economically, will be important for the series dangerous transition periods ahead. The cost for closing a bunch of factories is nothing comparing to the billions of dollars from the US markets, and the decision should be made by the central government without any compromise under the pressure from the small coastal regions. The future of China is not depend upon the Sino-US relation, but it is hard to imagine a bright future for China without considering US as one important variable. After all, US is the important nation in Chinese history for a very long period.
A decision for national interest should be made to promote the well being of people in China, and the leaders in Beijing, no matter wanted to be able to get a strong hold after Deng, or showing patriotism as a reformer, should put the interest and the life of more than one billion people in the first place. We are glad that the trade talk is resumed in Beijing under the invitation of the Trade Minister of China, and we further expect that the decision concerning the future of China should not made lightly by few people who are not competent. Anyone wants to lead China should show the leadership in such a delicate and critical situation.
It was a quiet afternoon in early 1989, a beep from my terminal announced the arrival of an email message--a new issue of the Electronic Newsletter for Chinese Students (ENCS). Promptly I pulled out a mailing list and started to forward it to the subscribers under my charge. The IBM mainframe system at Penn State started faithfully to transmit the `data' on the Bitnet, beeping back a line at every junction. These amazing, and sometimes annoying, beeps would continue for half an hour or more before this new issue of ENCS settled into the 200+ mailboxes around the world.
Then one day, I was asked by my superior in the chain of command to hand in my list. ENCS merged with other similar services and became the China News Digest (CND). Machines soon took over the maintaining of mailing lists. The rest, as they say, is history.
Today, as I recall those endless beeps, flashing nodenames all over the USA, Canada and Europe, it is hard to grasp its historical impact. We, in fact, gave birth to the first virtual community.
Indeed, this generation of Chinese students/scholars (CSS), being at the right places at the right time, possessing the unique concentration in science and technology expertise, craving for convenient and cheap means to connect classmates and roommates suddenly far away, quietly but diligently formed the very first virtual community before the arrival of this concept. With pure volunteer work, this community has managed to stay on the forefront of technology, from the creation of primitive newsletters and newsgroup soc.culture.china (SCC), to the net-surfing on Mosaic with "our own" machines on ifcss.org and cnd.org, purchased through donations from CSS.
So much so that all this has been taken for granted. When the ifcss.org server went down for technical difficulties, stress calls flooded all over the networld.
This virtual community also gave birth to numerous organizations, political campaigns, interest groups, and fan clubs that link people from far away places and best friends who never met in person. The "sudden" emergence of the CSS lobbying power on CSPA shocked many on the Capital Hill for its organization and mobility, but didn't surprise any of us who was watching every move in front of a terminal.
There has also been failures, notably the IFCSS. The IFCSS had her virtual birth on SCC before the first Congress in Chicago. Since then, however, IFCSS has been consistently moving away from this root. Shortly after birth, IFCSS abandoned SCC because the "noise" is too much for them to handle. A sometimes-public-and-sometimes-closed mailing list "China-net" served as an operation net for a few years before being closed for good, again because a few people could not handle the "noise". The desire of leaders to control and close public nets carried on. Nowadays, no open network exists inside IFCSS. The Council's open-to-public net is dead silent since the council actually uses a secondary "working-net" which is closed to public. Quarrels are carried on a secretive and clandestine VC-net (as "Veteran's Club"), well outside of public view, as the IFCSS herself becomes irrelevant to all but a few. In this day of free email, IFCSS is struggling with scandals involving big phone bills run up by her VIPs.
Others fare much better. Particularly those that do not fashion a budget as big as the IFCSS'. If anything, we have learned that this community does not evolve around one or a few organizations. As the internet is built on the true grass root spirit, this virtual community is going to last much longer than any of the organizations that often claim to be its representative.
And the numerous volunteers who quietly edit and archive documents, maintain mailing lists, construct connection junctions, and help fellow netters over technical bumps, will long be appreciated and remembered in the way they prefer: the anonymous, unsung heroes.
These days, every time when I turned on my computer, I always can receive some Chinese new year greetings. It is really nice to have so many friends to send in fantastic computerized greeting cards, which definitely gives me some relief in between my busy research work.
Being on this land, the chinese new year is not a major holiday. many of students and scholars only can take weekend or nights off from busy class work or over-loaded research work. But all of us always proud of our tradition and like to celebrate the new year one way or another. And all of us always wish a better year for ourselves and for all of our friends.
Every year when the new year comes, I always think what's the new year resolution for me. And I always wish all my fellow country man or woman worldwide with a fortune and successful year to come.
Being a member of chinese community in this country is not easy. It is not because chinese community is a minority ethnic group, but also frequent internal struggles in chinese community continuously dragged us into selfdestructive way. For those coming to this country for a few years, many of you may aware of the fighting between some outstanding overseas chinese democratic movement organizations such as "Ming Lian", "Ming Zhen", "MingLian-Zhen", and "Zi-Ming-Tang". In my opinion, all of these organizations, one way or another, have done and are doing many prominent projects for the best interest of all chinese. Based on my many years observation and participation, I found many fightings and arguments were all generated from misundertanding and it was unnecessary.
In general, the misunderstanding is generated from no-respects to each other, unwilling to offer the help or the tolerance for others to express their opinions. As the result, it leads to a self-destructive for the healthy community development.
My scientific background can't offer many help for me to review overall situation of chinese community in this country. However, the history of the Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars (IFCSS) will illustrate the point well. Born in the heat of 1989 Chinese democratic movement, there is no doubt that IFCSS is unique students organization to represent all chinese students and scholars and express their concerns in this country. Over past a few year, IFCSS has built up excellent public image and has done numerous things pushing improve of human rights condition inside China, providing service to protect chinese students and scholars in this country, and all chinese in general. Congressional lobby, the way of modern political operation, is skillfully used by IFCSS in order to push democratic movement inside China and meanwhile to protect all chinese students and scholars in- and out-side of China. However, since the establishment of IFCSS, internal fighting is never stopped. It is natural there are different opinions regarding how to operate a organization and what's the best way to approach because individual historical experience and education background will lead to all kinds of opinions. Someone may jump on a conclusion faster than others, but that is fine. As long as the bylaw of a organization is not violated, and the federal and state laws and regulations are not offended, there is really no a sharp cut who is right or who is wrong. For instance, many students and scholars have made great contribution to IFCSS, therefore, they wish IFCSS to be built and developped along the way they like to be; many IFCSS members have different views on how IFCSS to be operated and towards which direction; Some IFCSS members love IFCSS with warm heart so that they can't tolerate any criticism to IFCSS, their overprotection isolating IFCSS to reach grass-root students and scholars. All these problems can't solve over a night, but should be acted collectively. If an individual lacking of respect to others on the personality, on the opinion and on the thoughts, then any of action taking listed above taken action independently will hurt IFCSS as whole organization.
I tried very hard to locate the root of this kind of no respecting behavior. In anyway, many years forced communism education may generated this norespect behavior deep inside our body in my opinion. There never be a word called "respect" through the whole text book of communism. If we are really strong man/woman as many of us shown over past years, then we have to overcome our own shortcomings. Do not let bad habit of a communist of China control your behavior.
So my real wish as ever is to wish all of us to respect each other for everything as human being. There is no such a person in this world is perfect beside God. Based on this, let us work together to build a strong chinese community in USA and to do a better job to push the democratic movement in China and to do the better service for all Chinese inside and outside of China.
--Jan. 5, XU Yingyin attended a Human Rights Panel Discussion sponsored by Robert F. Kennedy Center.
--Jan. 5, LUO Ning, XU Yingyin and YANG Jie met with XIAO Qiang, Executive Director of Human Rights In China and IFCSS Human Rights Working Committee Chairman. The human rights related projects progress were together reviewed and agendas for future action discussed. YANG Jie particularly asked for a financial report from Human Rights In China for which IFCSS contributed a substantial amount of funds for its projects.
--Jan. 6-15, XU Yingyin closely monitored the evaluation process on the part of NED, in which IFCSS Chinese Newsletter project proposal is being reviewed and pending for a possible renewal for another year.
--Jan. 9-14, YANG Jie met with Jeff Lin and other concerned individuals in an effort to reduce the accounting service charges without adverse impact on the quality of services provided thus far.
--Jan. 10. LUO Ning and YANG Jie met with Mr. ____ _______ from _______ _____ [names shaded for possible business sensitivity--Editor] and explored the possibilities for developing competitive insurance plans for CSS outside campus, i.e. so-called post-students plans.
--Jan. 18, LUO Ning met with Bob Kapp of U.S.-China Business Council and discussed the ways in which IFCSS and the Business Council can join hands to promote the exchanges of resources, human and economic, beyond the borders of individual countries.
--Jan. 19, YANG Jie attended a panel discussion on Democracy's Future sponsored by NED's International Forum on Democratic Studies. Panelist included leading experts from Russia, U.S and Mexico. At this occasion, Jie Yang lobbied for funding IFCSS Newsletter Project as an integral part of democracy-building among CSS. [See YANG Jie's article in this issue for more details.--Editor]
--Jan. 20-25, YANG Jie contacted with chairs of IFCSS working committees and project leaders for an update on the progress of respective projects.
--Jan. 23-27, XU Yingyin and YANG Jie worked for a completion of a quarterly report of NED-funded newsletter project.
--Jan. 23-31, LUO Ning participated in a number of social activities at Washington D.C. metropolitan area for celebrating Chinese Lunar New Year, at the same time, promoting IFCSS insurance plans and his ideas of communitybuilding among CSS.
Dear CSS Today Editor:
We would like to call your attention to a mistake in an article written by Eddie Cheng in the last issue of CSS Today. In the article, the author mentioned `multiple delegations like the famous "Buffalo 9" and "Blackberg 5".' We don't want to comment on "Buffalo 9". Every IFCSS fans knew what it was about. However, the so called "Blacksburg 5" is absolutely groundless.
Blacksburg is a small town where Virginia Tech resides. For the past six IFCSS Congresses, Virginia Tech sent one or two delegate(s) to each Congress with one vote only. At the 6th IFCSS Congress, Blacksburg Chinese Professional Club (BCPC) also sent two delegates with one vote. BCPC is an organization registered at Virginia State Corporation Commission more than one year ago. All its members are Chinese professionals working in the area. So the number of votes from Blacksburg has never beyond two. In the 6th Congress, 2 delegates from BCPC carried one vote only. That was very unusual when a lot of instant organizations were cooked out solely for the presidency election.
The CSS in Blacksburg have contributed to IFCSS a lot in the past six years. Eddie Cheng's so called "Blackburg 5" is an insult to all the CSS in Blacksburg. Apologies from both CSS Today Editor and Eddie Cheng are demanded. The original paragraph from CSS Today is attached. [Please see the original article in CSS Today back issues. --Editor]
Thank you for your attention.
(CHEN Gang is the president of Virginia Tech Association of Chinese Students and Scholars and HE Baoping is the coordinate of Blacksburg Chinese Professional Club)
Dear Editors:
Even in the days of information superhighway, nothing can overcome a man's laziness in double checking facts. In my previous column on the representation of IFCSS Congress, I mistook Blacksburg, the fine town that houses the fine institute of Virginia Tech, as another place that sent multiple delegates to the Congress. Such inexcusable oversight has, as I was promptly informed in many worldly channels, resulted in an insult to all the CSS in Blacksburg.
The author henceforth humbly but sincerely apologize to all the CSS in Blacksburg and anyone elsewhere who might be misled. As I continue to mumble in my column, please be reminded that readers' discretion is advised and corrections are highly appreciated.
Eddie Cheng
I have read the article on the Qi-Gong Phenomenon by LAO Jiang on issue 94018 with interest.
Years ago a young and handsome young Israeli named Uri Geller overwhelmed the Americans by his extraordinary power. He could bend spoons and keys by shear mental power; he could see things outside while locked in a windowless room; he could read one's mind, and much more. Some "scientists" even claimed to have scientific proof of Geller's psychic power.
Geller's "psychic power" turned out to be a fraud. He was a good magician, but not a super human. Not a single trick of Geller's was not repeated by James Randi, a magician who exposed many faked "psychics". Those who are interested should read the books "Flim Flam" by James Randi and "Science: Good, Bad, and Bogus" by Martin Gardner.
I'm not a Qi-Gong practitioner so I have not the best position to criticize the "Yan Xin phenomena", which is turning into a cult. But I find most of the claims about the "Yan Xin phenomena" untruthful if not fraudulent. For example, a friend of mine was "fasting", but his idea of "fasting" consisted of several cups of milk and a few apples and oranges a day. Later he reverted to "eating less than usual." I have seen women on a diet who eats much less. Yan Xin's claims that he could teleportate himself to the US in seconds, and his claim that he could transmit "Qi" through telephone lines sounds like outright fraud to me. There is also a very simple explanation for his alleged meditation which resulted in putting out the great forest fire in the Northeast China: it wasn't Yan Xin but rather it was nature itself, as rains will fall after a long drought. That rains did fall after Yan Xin's meditation was purely a coincidence.
On the other hand, I do believe that Qi Gong is a great way of self meditation.
Dear CSS Today Editor:
I would like to point out a mistake found in CSS Today 95002. It is wellknown on the net that the infamous 'tank driver' is Mr. CHEN Jian in Univ. of Michigan who said he would drive a tank to crush the students if there had been another demonstration in Tiananman square. He made the comment after the Tiananman massacre, and drew a lot of fire from netters. However in the issue, the bloody cap was placed on Mr. LU Wenhe. Many netters know that Mr. CHEN is a super P-fighter, but Mr. LU is described in your journal as pro-Taiwaner. Such a big difference cannot be ignored by a fair journalist, which made me suspicious of that a distortion was deliberately made for personal attack.
... I am sickened by the origination of the nickname 'tank driver'. I may not agree with the student movement, but I DO hate the government to kill innocent people for whatever reasons.
Thank you for your attention.
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