For the past three months, I've been silent on the revelations about Iran. And you must have been
thinking:
"Well, why doesn't he tell us what's happening? Why doesn't he just speak to us as he has in the past
when we've
faced troubles or tragedies?" Others of you, I guess, were thinking: "What's he doing hiding out in the
White
House?" Well, the reason I haven't spoken to you before now is this: You deserve the truth. And as
frustrating as
the waiting has been, I felt it was improper to come to you with sketchy reports, or possibly even
erroneous
statements, which would then have to be corrected, creating even more doubt and confusion. There's been
enough
of that. I've paid a price for my silence in terms of your trust and confidence. But I've had to wait, as you
have, for
the complete story. That's why I appointed Ambassador David Abshire as my Special Counselor to help
get out the
thousands of documents to the various investigations. And I appointed a Special Review Board, the
Tower Board,
which took on the chore of pulling the truth together for me and getting to the bottom of things. It has
now issued
its findings.
I'm often accused of being an optimist, and it's true I had to hunt pretty hard to find any good news in the
Board's report. As you know, it's well stocked with criticisms, which I'll discuss in a moment; but I was
very
relieved to read this sentence: ". . . the Board is convinced that the President does indeed want the full
story to be
told. " And that will continue to be my pledge to you as the other investigations go forward. I want to
thank the
members of the panel: former John— Senator John Tower, former Secretary of State Edmund Muskie,
and former
national security advisor Brent Scowcroft. They have done the nation, as well as me personally, a great
service by
submitting a report of such integrity and depth. They have my genuine and enduring gratitude.
I've studied the Board's report. Its findings are honest, convincing, and highly critical; and I accept them.
And
tonight I want to share with you my thoughts on these findings and report to you on the actions I'm taking
to
implement the Board's recommendations. First, let me say, I take full responsibility for my own actions
and for
those of my administration. As angry as I may be about activities undertaken without my knowledge,
I am
still accountable for those activities. As disappointed as I may be in some who served me, I'm still the
one who
must answer to the American people for this behavior. And as personally distasteful as I find secret bank
accounts
and diverted funds—well, as the Navy would say, this happened on my watch.
Let's start with the part that is the most controversial. A few months ago I told the American people I did
not
trade arms for hostages. My heart and my best intentions still tell me that's true, but the facts and the
evidence tell
me it is not. As the Tower Board reported, what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated, in its
implementation, into trading arms for hostages. This runs counter to my own beliefs, to administration
policy, and
the original strategy we had in mind. There are reasons why it happened, but no excuses. It was a
mistake. I
undertook the original Iran initiative in order to develop relations with those who might assume
leadership in a
post-Khomeini government.
It's clear from the Board's report, however, that I let my personal concern for the hostages spill over into
the
geopolitical strategy of reaching out to Iran. I asked so rnany questions about the hostages' welfare that I
didn't ask
enough about the specifics of the total Iran plan. Let me say to the hostage families: We have not given
up. We
never will. And I promise you we'll use every legitimate means to free your loved ones from captivity.
But I must
also caution that those Americans who freely remain in such dangerous areas must know that they're
responsible
for their own safety.
Now, another rnajor aspect of the Board's findings regards the transfer of funds to the Nicaraguan
Contras. The
Tower Board wasn't able to find out what happened to this money, so the facts here will be left to the
continuing
investigations of the court-appointed Independent Counsel and the two congressional investigating
communities. I'm
confident the truth will come out about this matter, as well. As I told the Tower Board, I didn't know
about any
diversion of funds to the Contras. But as president, I cannot escape responsibility.
Much has been said about my management style, a style that's worked successfully for me during eight
years as
governor of California and for most of my Presidency. The way I work is to identify the problem, find the
right
individuals to do the job, and then let them go to it. I've found this invariably brings out the best in
people. They
seem to rise to their full capability, and in the long run you get more done. When it came to rnanaging
the NSC
staff, let's face it, my style didn't match its previous track record. I've already begun correcting this. As a
start,
yesterday I met with the entire professional staff of the National Security Council. I defined for them the
values I
want to guide the national security policies of this country. I told them that I wanted a policy that was as
justifiable
and understandable in public as it was in secret. I wanted a policy that reflected the will of the Congress
as well as
the White House. And I told them that there'll be no more freelancing by individuals when it comes to
our national
security.
You've heard a lot about the staff of the National Security Council in recent months. Well, I can tell you,
they
are good and dedicated government employees, who put in long hours for the nation's benefit. They are
eager and
anxious to serve their country. One thing still upsetting me, however, is that no one kept proper records
of
meetings or decisions. This led to my failure to recollect whether I approved an arms shipment before or
after the
fact. I did approve it; I just can't say specifically when. Well, rest assured, there's plenty of record-
keeping now
going on at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
For nearly a week now, I've been studying the Board's report. I want the American people to know that
this
wrenching ordeal of recent months has not been in vain. I endorse every one of the Tower Board's
recommendations. In fact, I'm going beyond its recommendations so as to put the house in even better
order. I'm
taking action in three basic areas: personnel, national security policy, and the process for making sure
that the
system works.
First, personnel—I've brought in an accomplished and highly respected new team here at the White
House.
They bring new blood, new energy, and new credibility and experience. Former Senator Howard Baker,
my new
Chief of Staff, possesses a breadth of legislative and foreign affairs skills that's impossible to rnatch. I'm
hopeful
that his experience as minority and majority leader of the Senate can help us forge a new partnership with
the
Congress, especially on foreign and national security policies. I'm genuinely honored that he's given up
his own
presidential aspirations to serve the country as my Chief of Staff. Frank Carlucci, my new national
security advisor,
is respected for his experience in government and trusted for his judgment and counsel. Under him, the
NSC is
being rebuilt with the proper management discipline. Already, almost half the NSC professional staff is
comprised
of new people.
Yesterday, I nominated Wi11iam Webster, a man of sterling reputation, to be Director of the Central
Intelligence Agency. Mr. Webster has served as Director of the FBI and as a U.S. District Court judge.
He
understands the meaning of "rule of law." So that his knowledge of national security rnatters can be
available to me
on a continuing basis, I wi11 so appoint John Tower to serve as a member of my Foreign Intelligence
Advisory
Board. I am considering other changes in personnel, and I'll move more furniture, as I see fit, in the
weeks and
months ahead.
Second, in the area of national security policy, I have ordered the NSC to begin a comprehensive review
of all
covert operations. I have also directed that any covert activity be in support of clear policy objectives and
in
compliance with Arnerican values. I expect a covert policy that, if Americans saw it on the front page of
their
newspaper, they'd say, "That makes sense." I have had issued a directive prohibiting the NSC staff itself
from
undertaking covert operations—no "ifs," "ands," or "buts." I have asked Vice President Bush to
reconvene his task
force on terrorism to review our terrorist policy in light of the events that have occurred.
Third, in terms of the process of reaching national security decisions, I am adopting in total the Tower
Report's
model of how the NSC process and staff should work. I am directing Mr. Carlucci to take the necessary
steps to
make that happen. He will report back to me on further reforms that might be needed. I've created the
post of NSC
legal advisor to assure a greater sensitivity to matters of the law. I am also determined to make the
congressional
oversight process work. Proper procedures for consultation with the Congress will be followed, not only
in letter
but in spirit. Before the end of March, I will report to the Congress on all the steps I've taken in line with
the
Tower Board's conclusions.
Now, what should happen when you make a mistake is this: You take your knocks, you learn your
lessons, and
then you move on. That's the healthiest way to deal with a problem. This in no way diminishes the
importance of
the other continuing investigations, but the business of our country and our people must proceed. I've
gotten this
message from Republicans and Democrats in Congress, from allies around the world, and—if we're
reading the
signals right—even from the Soviets. And of course, I've heard the message from you, the American
people. You
know, by the time you reach my age, you've made plenty of mistakes. And if you've lived your life
properly—so,
you learn. You put things in perspective. You pull your energies together. You change. You go forward.
My fellow Americans, I have a great deal that I want to accomplish with you and for you over the next
two
years. And the Lord willing, that's exactly what I intend to do. Good night, and God bless you.
My fellow Americans: I've spoken to you from this historic office on many occasions and about many
things.
The power of the Presidency is often thought to reside within this Oval Office. Yet it doesn't rest here; it
rests in
you, the American people, and in your trust. Your trust is what gives a president his powers of leadership
and his
personal strength, and it's what I want to talk to you about this evening.
Back to "On the Homefront. . ."