By Yong Ting Jin
Over the past two to three decades one most
disturbing and controversial “ism” that has been attacked, has brought about
endless debates and even heated arguments is feminism. By mention of the word
“feminism” it brings uneasy and unpleasant reactions, even among some women
activists. Often even without the word “feminism”, when women’s issues, gender
and violence against women are raised it still leads to heated arguments. This
term has generated a gamut of reactions, ill feelings, prejudices, hostility
and even hatred among men and women.
The simple exercise[1]
you just did shows and perhaps even represents a wider spectrum of what people
and your current generation think of the word “feminism” years ago and perhaps
now. For instance, I know for a fact
that this was a real experience but painful encounter in WSCF work and life on
all levels. The same is true in the wider ecumenical movement. In 1997, about 7
years ago at a women’s workshop in
97
Feminism: Why Threat and Rejection?
Sweeping remarks and allegations have
become obstacles and have done tremendous damage as well as confusion about
feminism that:
It is a western phenomenon.
It is a “bra-burning”, “man-hating”,
“family-destroying” women. [Kamla Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan: 1986, p.1]
It is “middle class”, “westernised” and
“rootless” women.” [K. Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan: 1986, p.1.]
It is imported from the West and
therefore foreign to
Therefore it is unsuitable and irrelevant
to the developing countries.
It is the cause of family problems.
It is responsible for marriages breakdown
and divorce between husband and wife.
Feminists
are not feminine because they want to be like men.
It
is a lesbian movement.
It
is exclusive to women.
“It has variously been alleged by
traditionalists, political conservatives and even certain leftists, that Feminism
is a product of ‘decadent’ Western
capitalism; that it is based on a foreign culture of no relevance to women in
the Third World; that it is the ideology of women of the local bourgeoisie; and
that it alienates or diverts women, from their culture, religion and family
responsibilities on the one hand, and from the revolutionary struggles for
national liberation and socialism on the other.” [Kumari Jayawardena: 1986,
p.2]
“In
the West, too, there is a Eurocentric view that the movement for women’s
liberation is not indigenous to Asia or Africa, but has been a purely West
European and North American phenomenon, and that where movements for women’s
emancipation or feminist struggles have arisen in the Third World, they have
been merely imitative of Western models.” [K. Jayawardena: 1986, p.2]
“Even
some current Asian leftists consider emphasis on feminism as a divisive tactic,
one that draws attention away from the class struggle and therefore indirectly
benefits the bourgeoisie.” [K. Jayawardena: 1986, p. 260]
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In light of the above list and perhaps many more over
the decades, women and feminists face attacks and backlashes for different
reasons in various situations. They are cautious and tactful when to use the
word and have preferred for a long time to settle with women’s movement, not
feminist; or women doing theology instead of feminist theology. The negative
effects sink deep down to the psyche of even a woman activist as well as
negative impact on women’s organisations and movements. Though they are
possibly feminists by their activism
and movements, they would defend saying, “I fight for women’s rights but I am
not feminist!” or “ I am a woman activist but I am not feminist!”
Indeed this concept “feminist” or
“feminism” has caused widespread misrepresentation and confusion. All the
allegations have over the years made it more difficult to understand the
concept because judgements have become forgone conclusions.
K Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan have exposed this as false
propaganda: “This propaganda is reinforced by other forces and groups that see
the emancipation and liberation of women as a threat, with the result that
feminists in our countries are attacked and dismissed as ‘middle class’,
‘westernised’ and ‘rootless’ women.”[2]
What really
is feminism? How should it be perceived and understood? What can one do to
clarify and appropriate its definition and meaning in better perspective? How
can it be recovered and restored with due justice?
During 1980s to
1990s, at least four Asian feminists have perceived it an imperative task to
address the woman question and feminism in its proper
99
historical-global
perspective. They are Kumari Jayawardena, Cecilia Ng, Kamla Bhasin & Nighat
Said Khan.
The notion
“feminism” originated from the French word “femme”, meaning woman. It became a
common usage in Europe and
However
through a long historical experience of movements, feminist struggles and
analysis, the current understanding has expanded corresponding to the changing
situation of women in society. Feminism has developed further to mean being
aware of women’s oppression, subordination and even exploitation in the home,
workplace and society at large. Based on this analysis, conscious women and men
work to change this situation.
The difference
between the original agitation and current approach lies in its praxis and
analysis. It was felt that advocacy and struggle for equality and legal redress
could not sufficiently address or bring about emancipation and liberation of
women. Because there were crucial basic gender issues yet to be examined and
dealt with in the household unit where women’s subordination prevail. This
subordination has in fact stretched from
home to the workplace, as much as to social and religious institutions.
K. Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan wrote in their booklet entitled Some
questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in South Asia answered that women
from Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka in a South Asian workshop
accepted a broad definition of feminism for themselves as “An awareness of
women’s oppression and exploitation in society, at work and within the family,
and conscious action by women and men to change this situation.” (Page 2)
100
However, one needs to know that feminism does not have a blue print
formula. The meaning and definition may change or vary “because feminism is
based on historically and culturally concrete realities and levels of
consciousness, perceptions and actions.”[3]
Later we will look at the various types of feminist thinking and debates that
will inform us that there are wide variants, differences and diversities in
different parts of the world, within a country; and among women who come from
vast different class and social background, including caste, race and
ethnicity, creed, age and sexual orientation.
Feminist scholar and historian like K. Jayawardena has discovered in her
research that in fact the subject of women and their status had been an issue
even way back in 500 B.C. This had become a debate central to the thoughts of
great thinkers, philosophers and reformers, including Buddha and Confucius. For
instance, Buddha was disturbed when women entered the religious order. He
raised the question whether they would do harm to the faith and doubted if they
could attain Nirvana.
Jayawardena continues to find that in Asia and the Third World, such
feminist struggles were very much present in many countries, which was observed
that it was earlier than Europe and the
According to Kumari Jayawardena’s extensive research as published in her
book Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World [London, Zed Press,
1986], apart from China, she uncovered feminist struggles that had existed
already
101
in
The first trend was mainly an integral part of the social and political
reform movements happening in several Asian countries. Male scholars and male
reformers took the lead in such debates and reforms. To cite a few examples[4]:
·
India (at that time also included what is now Myanmar,
Pakistan and Bangladesh),
·
early 19th century, movements for women’s social emancipation
had emerged. In 1818, Raja Rammohan Roy launched a campaign against ‘certain
Dreadful Practices’, and many other social reformers, including Vidyasagar,
K.C.Sen, Ranade and Phule followed the same path of actions.
·
In Japan during the Meiji era (1868-1912), intellectuals
like Fukuzawa Yukichi (1833 –1901) and Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957) condemned
Confucian traditions of family life and advocated rights for women.
·
In Korea, the famous nationalist (Dr) So Chae-p’il (c.1896)
was a strong advocate of secular education for women.
·
In the Philippines, well-known nationalist (Dr) Jose Rizal
(c.1887) strongly advocated for the secular education of women.
The second
trend emerged as part of the ongoing reform but coupled with the spirit of
national struggle against colonialism and foreign domination of many colonised
countries in
·
China - Qiu Jin, a woman revolutionary (see specific case
under “Feminist thought and struggles in Chinese history”).
·
102
·
widely travelled agitator of women’s rights. She was well
learned in Hindu Scriptures and was able to critique its oppressive traditions
and practices regarding women.
Another woman
who voiced the need for equality challenging male reformers who only wanted to “help”
women and not accord them equal status was Tarabai Shinde (1850 – 1910). She
wrote “A comparison between women and men” in reaction to the case where a
young Brahmin widow was brought to court for killing her illegitimate child.
She asserted that women’s bodies carried the same needs as men’s bodies. But
society ill-treated widows for the same faults for which widowers (males) were
given concessions and privileges of remarriage.
·
Indonesia, 19th century, Raden Adjeng Kartini
(1879 –1904) was the first Indonesian feminist. Her writings reflected some of
the problems faced by upper-class women of her time. Seeing education for girls as part of social
progress and going against all odds, she started a school for the daughters of
Javanese officials in 1904. Kartini had a clear mission in life for she said:
“I have laid out for myself a full life. I have planned to be a pioneer in the
struggle for rights of freedom of the Javanese woman” (Geertz, 1976: 238, in C.
Ng’s “Module 3: Feminist Approaches to Analysing Women’s Position”, Gender
and Feminist Analysis Training Module). However this dream was short-lived
as she died at childbirth at 25. However, local nationalists remembered her as
the person who opened the way to Indonesian feminism.
In her first released book, 1982, Jayawardena uncovered in her country
studies where Asian feminist struggles had existed between almost 80 and 100
years ago, including Sri Lanka, Japan, Korea, Vietnam and Philippines. All
these movements for emancipation and feminism during this period [19th
and 20th centuries] had been “hidden from history”. “Only recently,
with the rise of feminist movements all over the world, has attention been
directed to early feminists and feminism in the
103
We now turn to the great civilization of
Debates on women’s status and education were prompted from the 11th
right down to even the 20th centuries by male reformers as well as
by women in the revolutionary movements.
During the Ming Dynasty [16th century] and Ching Dynasty [17th
century], more women became literate when urban culture expanded. Yet the
debate on the role of women continued. For example, in 1590 an official Lu K’un
was sympathetic to women. He called for due respect for them while condemning
widow suicides, female infanticide and large dowries. Furthermore he encouraged
women to master practical knowledge, particularly medicine and even to share
such knowledge among them.
By the 18th and 19th centuries, the questions of
women’s education and women’s rights became persistent issues. Several scholars
took to task the Confucian views imposed on women, their mobility and social
class. They also opposed foot binding of women and concubinage, and questioned
the basic inequality between man and woman. It could be considered a period of
empowerment of women, resulting in women poets, artists and writers. In the
South, it was reported that women even joined secret societies. Their presence
as leaders and heroines was notable in the mid-19th century during
the rise of the Taiping Rebellion. Also women’s autonomous associations were
formed.
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Described as a period of unrest, change and upheaval during 18th
and 19th centuries, the rise of Chinese women who protested openly
their rejection of traditional oppressive customs in family system and
marriage. This was evident in the marriage resistance movement in Cantonese
areas, anti-marriage associations where girls and women lived together in
groups as a statement of protest to the belief and practice of ‘fate’ imposed
on them.
In the late 19th century to early 20th century,
another outstanding leading intellectual, social and political reformer was
Kang Yuwei [1859 – 1927]. In the 1890s to early 1900s, among Kang’s many social
and political reforms was women’s education and women’s rights. He also became
well known in his time for championing women’s rights. Kang’s vision of the
future was equal rights for everyone, abolition of traditional family system
and marriage based on renewable contract. In essence, he was against oppression
of Chinese women and of all women.
Qiu Jin [or
Jiu Jin] (1875 - 1907) was a leading woman revolutionary. She joined Sun Yat
Sen’s revolutionary movement and fought against imperialist forces and Manchu
domination. In the same movement she carried on similar feminist struggles as
the male reformers. But she went even further and made it part of her daily
commitment that women would be freed from their subjection and become heroines
of a free world. Coupled with economic and political reforms, she saw feminism
as an integral part of the reforms needed to address the problems affecting
Chinese society. She was executed for her feminist activities and agitation.
One of her poems expressed this explicitly:
“We want our
emancipation!
For our
liberty we’ll drink a cup,
Men and women
are born equal,
We will rise
and save ourselves,
Ridding the
nation of all her shame
In the steps
of Joan of Arc
With our own
hands we will regain our land”.
(Croll, 1980:
68-9, in Jayawardena, 1986, page 181)
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Looking at this brief
presentation, one can draw and highlight a few insights learned from such
feminist struggles in history. In K. Jayawardena’s country studies, she traces the
historical, socio-economic and political trends while bringing out the feminist
issues within each specific and different context. Many important issues are
identified and highlighted:
1.
It is very crucial and essential to view the history of
feminist thought by tracing its historical development and locate it within the
particular socio-economic and political context of that period and society
because women’s movement does not happen in a vacuum.
2.
In many of the Asian countries cited, it was the male scholars
and reformers who addressed the woman’s
question and women’s role in traditional society initially. They realized it
had to be an issue of women’s emancipation coupled with the quest for national
freedom and total human liberation from foreign domination.
3.
Specifically, many male reformers agitated for a change of
women’s social position through education for women. Freer mobility for women
and monogamy were also identified as progress for civilization.
4.
Women had neither access to education nor could their voices
be heard in public spaces as a discriminated gender. But the fact that male
scholars and reformers were convinced that legal and social reform for women
had to be an integrated agenda for social progress and national liberation had
sown seeds of change for women’s lives in the days ahead. However, such a reform or change did not go
beyond the issue of women’s subordination and critique of patriarchal culture
in all aspects of life in the home, religion and society at large.
5.
Women’s education in the form of schools and higher
education for girls and women were established from the 19th century
onwards. There were limitations. Broadly
speaking, the advocacy of education for women over two centuries in many parts
of Asia had resulted in 2 distinct types:
i)
One type of education had brought about a dynamic changing
situation of women by male reformers and then by women them-
106
selves. Such education
has given rise to wide literacy among women. A flowering of feminist literature
in the form of books, novels, journals and magazines touched and dealt with
issues of women’s role in society. Such feminist ideas had raised women’s
consciousness and sown seeds for the liberation of women in the years and
centuries to come.
ii)
The other type was perceived as colonial and middle-class
education as it was class biased and patriarchal. Because it was primarily
aimed at educating the good wives and daughters of those men who had taken
higher positions in the colonial society. Though it was considered as
progressive at its time, it did not cater to women in the working class and
peasantry.
6.
The emergence of autonomous women’s organizations and
associations was a major milestone. Jayawardena perceived it as “the most
important development in Asian feminism during that period” because these women
were also linked to political groups and they played an important part in
nationalist struggles.
7.
“The women’s movements in many countries of Asia achieved
political and legal equality with men at the juridical level, but failed to
make any impression on women’s subordination within the patriarchal structures
of family and society. Feminist
consciousness did not develop, except in rare exceptions, to the point of questioning
traditional patriarchal structures.”[7]
8.
Jayawardena was able to present examples of revolutionary
feminism in Asia even during early 20th century. According to her,
these examples proved that feminism was not just a “diversion” or an abnormal
middle class phenomenon. She asserted also that feminism must be considered
equally important as the movements for nationalism and decolonisation that was
sweeping across most Asian countries. This she said “was a process which had to
be continuous and permanent during all stages of the struggle.”[8]
107
9.
Knowing feminist history in
Having looked
at some accounts of Asian feminist struggles in history, albeit brief, we can
wrap up here and clarify that:
1.
Feminism did NOT originate from the West.
2.
It was NOT IMPOSED ON Asian societies.
3.
Historical experiences show the dynamic and changing
situations of women.
We have seen the
contexts in Asia that gave rise to and had feminism at the heart of all its
struggles. So western feminist articulation was not the precedent of Asian
feminist struggle. Some trends contained in the western feminist theories
already existed in Asian feminist struggles even before they were articulated
as theories in the West. This will become apparent as we look at the different
feminist theories.
During the second wave (1960s), feminism
in the West as a social movement for change in the position of women was built
on a sense of common identity and shared experiences. However, by the late
1970s, feminist movement became fragmented because the notion of global
sisterhood did not seem to work. It became clear that modern feminism could not
build on a unified platform or arrive at a shared definition of feminism. The
reason
108
behind this is diversity and differences in vision/emphasis,
nature of campaigns, strategies, interpretations and analyses of the woman
question. This plurality can be found in the four types of feminist analysis in
the West.
The following summary is taken
mainly from Cecilia Ng’s paper[10]
(See also the table on “Feminist Theories” in the appendix presented by C. Ng).
The notion of liberalism emerged during
the rise of capitalism and developed during the 18th and 19th
century. The liberal feminists believe that all human beings are rational
beings. Each individual has equal capacity. Believing also in individual
rights, each person therefore has the right to seek for self-interest and by
maximizing it would attain self-fulfilment. Therefore the state and society
should protect these rights of everyone.
The overriding goal was set in applying
liberal principles to women as well as men. They believe men and women are
equal but that a legal redress is necessary as women were discriminated in the
laws. Hence, campaigns for legal reform were launched in the 18th
and 19th. The liberal feminists pressed for women’s right to own
property, to receive education and to go to vote. In the 20th
century, they fought for equal rights in employment, credit, training and
educational opportunities as they realized that legislation alone was not enough,
they also looked into laws that would affirm women’s position. This can be seen
in the Women in development (WID) programmes. In the late 20th
century the WID approach was reflected where efforts to integrate women into
the development trend of many countries in Asia. To achieve this, emphasis was
placed on increasing literacy among women, greater and equal employment.
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Liberal feminists are also labelled
as egalitarian feminists as they strive to be equal to men. But this drive for
sexual equality cause women to prove themselves and hence they take on male
values, standards and achievements as social norms towards equality in public
life. It does not pay attention to unequal gender relations in terms of
sexuality and reproduction.
Radical Feminism
The US women’s liberation movement
in the late 1960s gave birth to radical feminism. Corresponding to it was the
anti-war [Vietnam] movement. Many of the founders were white, middle-class
women who had higher or tertiary education. Some were said to have come from
the left groups because they were disillusioned by male dominance who advocated
for peace and justice. They have common experience of male oppression. Hence
radical feminists maintain that women as a social class are oppressed by men as
a social class. Patriarchy prevails in the home where male control over women’s
body/sexuality, marriage, sexual slavery, pornography, reproduction and rape
exist. They believe and hold “sisterhood” as global. Regardless of class, race,
ethnicity, nationality, they believe that any woman in the world has more in
common with any other woman than with any man.
The rise of many women’s groups in the
1980s focused on violence against women, specifically on issues of rape,
domestic violence and sexual harassment. In response to such crises faced by
women, many women’s half way house, shelters and hotline have been set up.
Though these women’s centres may not hold a clear radical feminist stance, it
was observed that radical feminism has made an impact on local campaigns on
violence against women.
The emergence of eco-feminism movement was
partly rooted in the belief that women have a closer relationship with
nature. Based on the feminine principle,
women are more caring, nurturing and sustaining in life. Hence they are more
identified with nature than men do. The movement was mooted also as an
alternative to crisis in capitalist and socialist development.
However, critics observe that radical
feminism is too universalistic and essentialist. There is no reference to any
historical context because the thinking accepts biology as the determinant
factor. It is blind to class differences. Though it believes gender relations
is a primary oppression, yet it does not take into account unequal relations
between poor men of colour and rich white women. It also lacks in analysis and
historical perspective of race and ethnicity.
Hence the concept of “global sisterhood” for liberation becomes
questionable.
While its principle of the “personal
is political” has convinced many, radical feminism fails to understand that “a
woman’s personal experience is as much conditioned by her class and ethnicity
as by her sex.”
Marxist Feminism
Marxist feminism views the ‘woman
question’ from a class struggle perspective in a capitalist system. Under
capitalism, working class women are exploited. Drawing their analysis from the
work of Engels (written in 1884, entitled the origin of the family, private
properly and the state (1975), Marxist feminists believe that when capitalism
is overthrown, class and gender
111
inequality will disappear. They ignore the reality of
women’s position in the household and do not examine gender relations
seriously. Though they realize women’s work in the house should be given
economic value they fail to see that sexual division of labour exist in the
economic work force. In both domestic and economic sectors women participate
and contribute to production. But it has not addressed the question why women
are still subjected to male domination both in and outside of home, even in the
socialist structure. For instance, studies of socialist countries in the 70s
and 80s show that women remain subordinate at work and at home. It shows also a serious lack of analysis on
gender and power relations between men and women in the capitalist system.
Socialist Feminism
The birth of socialist feminism was known as an “unhappy
marriage” between Marxism and feminism in the early 1970s. It is aimed at developing a political theory
and practice that would combine the best insights of radical feminism and the Marxist
tradition. Socialist feminists struggle equally against capitalism and male
dominance in the home, and oppression in work place and society. In its
analysis, the class factor is essential in the subordination of women. Coupled
with class, Socialist feminists recognise that it is important to view
imperialism and its negative effects on the oppression of women in the third
world. At the same time, class, gender, race and ethnic relations of power are
essential for understanding society.
Socialist feminism has a better understanding
and analysis of patriarchy. But they admit they are short of understanding the
complex interrelations of class, race and gender power structures.
Problems
associated with these positions
C. Ng points out that each distinct
feminist position is not so clear-cut but that certain areas may overlap one
over another. She further discusses that “particularly at the present time when
feminist analysis is experiencing tremendous challenges and changes, no one
person might identify completely with one position. In fact, as is often the
case, one could align with different theories or different aspects of these
theories. Alternatively, one might come
112
out with
her or his own understanding of ‘the woman question’” [p. 2]
She speaks of “a current problem and
debate in feminist analysis – that of universalism Vs difference”, which she
presents as “women – universal, different or multiple subject?” in her paper.
Or what others termed as “post-modernist feminism” (or post-structuralist feminism)
[P. 13].
Post-modernist
Feminism
Posed as a recent development and
critique of all the four main streams of feminist thinking, one cannot
generalise the woman question in universal terms. There is no one category of
women. Women’s movements have experienced that there are many different paths
to feminist analysis and practice. They learned that women are in fact divided
by ideology, class, ethnic, cultural, age or sexuality positions. For examples, black women and black men have
more in common than with white middle-class women; first world and third world
women are different. Third world women face problems of poverty and indigenous
women’s issues while first world women focus on individual sexuality rights.
Therefore there is no global sisterhood due to diversities and multiple
identities.
Engaging in the above debate and going further in her own feminist
analysis, Cecilia Ng[11]
discusses and presents feminism in this manner:
·
Awareness of women’s Oppression/discrimination in the
family, at
·
Work and in society
·
Understanding/making an analysis of that
Oppression/exploitation
·
Linking this understanding with other Oppressive forces in
society
·
Conscious action by men and women to change this unequal
situation(s)
·
It is a theoretical and political project of transforming
gender and other power relations in society.
113
For the empowerment of women, C. Ng presents feminism as a
dynamic process which:
·
Challenges the existing ideologies and structures which
perpetuate patriarchy;
·
Mobilizes women and men to struggle and fight for women’s
rights (rights are never given – they have to be fought for);
·
Organizes a movement - social and political - to change the
power structures in society – not just against male domination but against all
forms of inequality in society – towards justice and democracy;
·
Transforms structures and institutions to make them more
just and democratic and participatory; and
·
Builds alternative ideologies, structures and institutions
to ensure that women’s dignity and rights are upheld and gender equality
achieved.
Is feminism
present and relevant in SCM and WSCF? Was it a recent phenomenon? How did it emerge and why? These and many
other questions come to mind when one speaks of the woman question in the WSCF
community life on all levels. Beyond that, what about the larger ecumenical movement
including the church institutions?
An overview
of WSCF history and women in the life of the Federation will appropriate the
relevance and praxis of feminism. However, due to time constraint and various
limitations, I am only able to make a few emphases here:
1. Debates on
the woman question occurred in the history of WSCF (1895) throughout different
historical periods, time and space. As
feminism grew all over the world, it was also present in the life and work of
the SCM and WSCF. This existence within the ecumenical movement and WSCF should
be seen as a part of the wider feminist movement.
2. Though the
Asia-Pacific regional women’s project was created in 1978, the seeds for this
creation had already been sown in the early years by women whose leadership and
voices had created a major difference
114
in earlier General assemblies and
WSCF work.
3. SCM Women
coming from a diverse and pluralistic situation in
4. Efforts to
attain gender balance in the human resources development and formation of women
leadership within the WSCF, SCM structures etc., must all be seen in the light
of similar demands that was current in the feminist movement of the time.
5. Based on their lived experiences, women
held a vision that is more embracing and encompassing of the New Humanity.
Their struggle for freedom, justice and equality in
References:
Cecilia
Ng, “The Woman Question: Problems in Feminist Analysis”, Kajian Malaysia, Jil.
XII, Nos 1 & 2, June/December 1994.
Cecilia
Ng, “Module 3: Feminist Approaches to Analysing Women’s Position”, in Gender
and Feminist Analysis Training Module, published by Women’s Development
Collective Training Institute, Malaysia, 1999]
Gerder
Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford University Press, New York,
1986.
Jayawardena,
Kumari, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World, London, Zed Press, 1986.
Kamla
Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan, Some questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in
South Asia, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1986.
[1]
The simple exercise was a request to the participants of SELF2003 to write down
what do they think or know about the word, ‘Feminism’. Please refer to the
discussion notes on Feminism.
[2]
Kamla Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan, Some
questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in South Asia, Kali for Women,
New Delhi, 1986. p. 1.
[3] Kamla Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan, Some questions on FEMINISM and its relevance
in South Asia, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1986. p. 2.
[4] Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World, London, Zed Press,
1986, pp 8-19.
[5] Ibid.
[7] Ibid. P. 24
[8] Ibid. P.10
[9] Gerder Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford University Press, New York,
1986, pages 3 and 5.
[10] Cecilia Ng, “The Woman Question: Problems in
Feminist Analysis”, Kajian Malaysia, Jil. XII, Nos 1 & 2, June/December
1994.
[11]
Cecilia Ng, “Module 3: Feminist Approaches to Analysing Women’s Position”,
in Gender and Feminist Analysis Training Module, published by
Women’s Development Collective Training Institute, Malaysia, 1999.