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Feminism: Making Sense of its Relevance and Praxis

By Yong Ting Jin

 

Feminism: First the controversy and debate

Over the past two to three decades one most disturbing and controversial “ism” that has been attacked, has brought about endless debates and even heated arguments is feminism. By mention of the word “feminism” it brings uneasy and unpleasant reactions, even among some women activists. Often even without the word “feminism”, when women’s issues, gender and violence against women are raised it still leads to heated arguments. This term has generated a gamut of reactions, ill feelings, prejudices, hostility and even hatred among men and women.

 

The simple exercise[1] you just did shows and perhaps even represents a wider spectrum of what people and your current generation think of the word “feminism” years ago and perhaps now.  For instance, I know for a fact that this was a real experience but painful encounter in WSCF work and life on all levels. The same is true in the wider ecumenical movement. In 1997, about 7 years ago at a women’s workshop in Malaysia, these words still evoke reactions and uneasiness. But more surprisingly because it was even among many women activists in Malaysia who would not consider themselves feminists or wish to be associated to feminism.

 

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Feminism: Why Threat and Rejection?

Sweeping remarks and allegations have become obstacles and have done tremendous damage as well as confusion about feminism that:

 

*       It is a western phenomenon.

*       It is a “bra-burning”, “man-hating”, “family-destroying” women. [Kamla Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan: 1986, p.1]

*       It is “middle class”, “westernised” and “rootless” women.” [K. Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan: 1986, p.1.]

*       It is imported from the West and therefore foreign to Asia.

*       Therefore it is unsuitable and irrelevant to the developing countries.

*       It is the cause of family problems.

*       It is responsible for marriages breakdown and divorce between husband and wife.

*       Feminists are not feminine because they want to be like men.

*       It is a lesbian movement.

*       It is exclusive to women.

*       “It has variously been alleged by traditionalists, political conservatives and even certain leftists, that Feminism is a product of  ‘decadent’ Western capitalism; that it is based on a foreign culture of no relevance to women in the Third World; that it is the ideology of women of the local bourgeoisie; and that it alienates or diverts women, from their culture, religion and family responsibilities on the one hand, and from the revolutionary struggles for national liberation and socialism on the other.” [Kumari Jayawardena: 1986, p.2]

*       “In the West, too, there is a Eurocentric view that the movement for women’s liberation is not indigenous to Asia or Africa, but has been a purely West European and North American phenomenon, and that where movements for women’s emancipation or feminist struggles have arisen in the Third World, they have been merely imitative of Western models.” [K. Jayawardena: 1986, p.2]

*       “Even some current Asian leftists consider emphasis on feminism as a divisive tactic, one that draws attention away from the class struggle and therefore indirectly benefits the bourgeoisie.” [K. Jayawardena: 1986, p. 260]

 

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In light of the above list and perhaps many more over the decades, women and feminists face attacks and backlashes for different reasons in various situations. They are cautious and tactful when to use the word and have preferred for a long time to settle with women’s movement, not feminist; or women doing theology instead of feminist theology. The negative effects sink deep down to the psyche of even a woman activist as well as negative impact on women’s organisations and movements. Though they are possibly   feminists by their activism and movements, they would defend saying, “I fight for women’s rights but I am not feminist!” or “ I am a woman activist but I am not feminist!”

 

 Indeed this concept “feminist” or “feminism” has caused widespread misrepresentation and confusion. All the allegations have over the years made it more difficult to understand the concept because judgements have become forgone conclusions.

 

K Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan have exposed this as false propaganda: “This propaganda is reinforced by other forces and groups that see the emancipation and liberation of women as a threat, with the result that feminists in our countries are attacked and dismissed as ‘middle class’, ‘westernised’ and ‘rootless’ women.”[2]

 

            Understanding feminism

What really is feminism? How should it be perceived and understood? What can one do to clarify and appropriate its definition and meaning in better perspective? How can it be recovered and restored with due justice?

 

During 1980s to 1990s, at least four Asian feminists have perceived it an imperative task to address the woman question and feminism in its proper

 

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historical-global perspective. They are Kumari Jayawardena, Cecilia Ng, Kamla Bhasin & Nighat Said Khan.

 

The notion “feminism” originated from the French word “femme”, meaning woman. It became a common usage in Europe and United States and the colonised countries in the 19th and early 20th centuries. K. Jayawardena and Cecilia Ng in their extensive work write that in the 19th and 20th century feminism was taken to mean agitation on women’s issues and rights, specifically access to education, property rights and suffrage. It was actually the “women’s movement” of various groups working for the advancement of women’s position, mainly in the form of campaigns for equal rights and legal reforms. 

 

However through a long historical experience of movements, feminist struggles and analysis, the current understanding has expanded corresponding to the changing situation of women in society. Feminism has developed further to mean being aware of women’s oppression, subordination and even exploitation in the home, workplace and society at large. Based on this analysis, conscious women and men work to change this situation.

 

The difference between the original agitation and current approach lies in its praxis and analysis. It was felt that advocacy and struggle for equality and legal redress could not sufficiently address or bring about emancipation and liberation of women. Because there were crucial basic gender issues yet to be examined and dealt with in the household unit where women’s subordination prevail. This subordination has in fact stretched from   home to the workplace, as much as to social and religious institutions.

 

K. Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan wrote in their booklet entitled Some questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in South Asia answered that women from Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka in a South Asian workshop accepted a broad definition of feminism for themselves as “An awareness of women’s oppression and exploitation in society, at work and within the family, and conscious action by women and men to change this situation.” (Page 2)

 

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However, one needs to know that feminism does not have a blue print formula. The meaning and definition may change or vary “because feminism is based on historically and culturally concrete realities and levels of consciousness, perceptions and actions.”[3] Later we will look at the various types of feminist thinking and debates that will inform us that there are wide variants, differences and diversities in different parts of the world, within a country; and among women who come from vast different class and social background, including caste, race and ethnicity, creed, age and sexual orientation.

 

            Early feminist thinking and struggles in Asia

Feminist scholar and historian like K. Jayawardena has discovered in her research that in fact the subject of women and their status had been an issue even way back in 500 B.C. This had become a debate central to the thoughts of great thinkers, philosophers and reformers, including Buddha and Confucius. For instance, Buddha was disturbed when women entered the religious order. He raised the question whether they would do harm to the faith and doubted if they could attain Nirvana.  

 

Jayawardena continues to find that in Asia and the Third World, such feminist struggles were very much present in many countries, which was observed that it was earlier than Europe and the US. For instance, in China the Confucius culture that had been negative and discriminating against women was challenged from the 11th century onwards. It was observed that scholar-officials had frequent debates on women. Such debates seemed to reflect the changing views on the subject of women.

 

According to Kumari Jayawardena’s extensive research as published in her book Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World [London, Zed Press, 1986], apart from China, she uncovered feminist struggles that had existed already

 

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in India, Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Japan, Korea, Philippines and Indonesia in the 19th and early 20th centuries. There are two main waves of such a move for social and political reforms and change.

 

The first trend was mainly an integral part of the social and political reform movements happening in several Asian countries. Male scholars and male reformers took the lead in such debates and reforms. To cite a few examples[4]:

                                                                                                             

·         China, from 11th century onwards… (See specific case under “Feminist thought and struggles in Chinese history”)

 

·         India (at that time also included what is now Myanmar, Pakistan and Bangladesh),

·         early 19th century, movements for women’s social emancipation had emerged. In 1818, Raja Rammohan Roy launched a campaign against ‘certain Dreadful Practices’, and many other social reformers, including Vidyasagar, K.C.Sen, Ranade and Phule followed the same path of actions.

 

·         In Japan during the Meiji era (1868-1912), intellectuals like Fukuzawa Yukichi (1833 –1901) and Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957) condemned Confucian traditions of family life and advocated rights for women.

 

·         In Korea, the famous nationalist (Dr) So Chae-p’il (c.1896) was a strong advocate of secular education for women.

 

·         In the Philippines, well-known nationalist (Dr) Jose Rizal (c.1887) strongly advocated for the secular education of women.  

 

The second trend emerged as part of the ongoing reform but coupled with the spirit of national struggle against colonialism and foreign domination of many colonised countries in Asia. Women leaders rose to the forefront (with men) and demanded change. To cite a few examples[5]:

 

·         China - Qiu Jin, a woman revolutionary (see specific case under “Feminist thought and struggles in Chinese history”).

 

·         India (at that time also included what is now Myanmar, Pakistan and Bangladesh), Pandita Ramabai (1858 –1922), was a learned and

 

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·         widely travelled agitator of women’s rights. She was well learned in Hindu Scriptures and was able to critique its oppressive traditions and practices regarding women.

 

Another woman who voiced the need for equality challenging male reformers who only wanted to “help” women and not accord them equal status was Tarabai Shinde (1850 – 1910). She wrote “A comparison between women and men” in reaction to the case where a young Brahmin widow was brought to court for killing her illegitimate child. She asserted that women’s bodies carried the same needs as men’s bodies. But society ill-treated widows for the same faults for which widowers (males) were given concessions and privileges of remarriage.  

 

·         Indonesia, 19th century, Raden Adjeng Kartini (1879 –1904) was the first Indonesian feminist. Her writings reflected some of the problems faced by upper-class women of her time.  Seeing education for girls as part of social progress and going against all odds, she started a school for the daughters of Javanese officials in 1904. Kartini had a clear mission in life for she said: “I have laid out for myself a full life. I have planned to be a pioneer in the struggle for rights of freedom of the Javanese woman” (Geertz, 1976: 238, in C. Ng’s “Module 3: Feminist Approaches to Analysing Women’s Position”, Gender and Feminist Analysis Training Module). However this dream was short-lived as she died at childbirth at 25. However, local nationalists remembered her as the person who opened the way to Indonesian feminism.

 

In her first released book, 1982, Jayawardena uncovered in her country studies where Asian feminist struggles had existed between almost 80 and 100 years ago, including Sri Lanka, Japan, Korea, Vietnam and Philippines. All these movements for emancipation and feminism during this period [19th and 20th centuries] had been “hidden from history”. “Only recently, with the rise of feminist movements all over the world, has attention been directed to early feminists and feminism in the Third World.”[6]

 

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We now turn to the great civilization of China as a concrete and specific case in point. K. Jayawardena has written a comprehensive chapter on “Feminism and Revolutionary Struggles in China” [Chapter 10, pages 167 - 195] in her book.

 

            Feminist thought and struggles in Chinese history

Debates on women’s status and education were prompted from the 11th right down to even the 20th centuries by male reformers as well as by women in the revolutionary movements. China has had Confucianism as its dominant ideology beginning from the 5th century B.C. by which women were perceived as lower and inferior in status based on the law of nature. Hence they could never attain equality with men. This ideology had become a lifelong tradition that had ruled the hearts and minds of men and women for centuries. But from the 18th century onwards, scholars, reformers and revolutionaries began to challenge the tradition.  

 

During the Ming Dynasty [16th century] and Ching Dynasty [17th century], more women became literate when urban culture expanded. Yet the debate on the role of women continued. For example, in 1590 an official Lu K’un was sympathetic to women. He called for due respect for them while condemning widow suicides, female infanticide and large dowries. Furthermore he encouraged women to master practical knowledge, particularly medicine and even to share such knowledge among them.

 

By the 18th and 19th centuries, the questions of women’s education and women’s rights became persistent issues. Several scholars took to task the Confucian views imposed on women, their mobility and social class. They also opposed foot binding of women and concubinage, and questioned the basic inequality between man and woman. It could be considered a period of empowerment of women, resulting in women poets, artists and writers. In the South, it was reported that women even joined secret societies. Their presence as leaders and heroines was notable in the mid-19th century during the rise of the Taiping Rebellion. Also women’s autonomous associations were formed. 

 

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Described as a period of unrest, change and upheaval during 18th and 19th centuries, the rise of Chinese women who protested openly their rejection of traditional oppressive customs in family system and marriage. This was evident in the marriage resistance movement in Cantonese areas, anti-marriage associations where girls and women lived together in groups as a statement of protest to the belief and practice of ‘fate’ imposed on them.

 

In the late 19th century to early 20th century, another outstanding leading intellectual, social and political reformer was Kang Yuwei [1859 – 1927]. In the 1890s to early 1900s, among Kang’s many social and political reforms was women’s education and women’s rights. He also became well known in his time for championing women’s rights. Kang’s vision of the future was equal rights for everyone, abolition of traditional family system and marriage based on renewable contract. In essence, he was against oppression of Chinese women and of all women.

 

Qiu Jin [or Jiu Jin] (1875 - 1907) was a leading woman revolutionary. She joined Sun Yat Sen’s revolutionary movement and fought against imperialist forces and Manchu domination. In the same movement she carried on similar feminist struggles as the male reformers. But she went even further and made it part of her daily commitment that women would be freed from their subjection and become heroines of a free world. Coupled with economic and political reforms, she saw feminism as an integral part of the reforms needed to address the problems affecting Chinese society. She was executed for her feminist activities and agitation. One of her poems expressed this explicitly:

 

“We want our emancipation!

For our liberty we’ll drink a cup,

Men and women are born equal,

We will rise and save ourselves,                                       

Ridding the nation of all her shame

In the steps of Joan of Arc

With our own hands we will regain our land”.

 

(Croll, 1980: 68-9, in Jayawardena, 1986, page 181)

 

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Insights from history of feminist struggles in Asia

Looking at this brief presentation, one can draw and highlight a few insights learned from such feminist struggles in history. In K. Jayawardena’s country studies, she traces the historical, socio-economic and political trends while bringing out the feminist issues within each specific and different context. Many important issues are identified and highlighted:

 

1.                                 It is very crucial and essential to view the history of feminist thought by tracing its historical development and locate it within the particular socio-economic and political context of that period and society because women’s movement does not happen in a vacuum.

 

2.                                 In many of the Asian countries cited, it was the male scholars and reformers who   addressed the woman’s question and women’s role in traditional society initially. They realized it had to be an issue of women’s emancipation coupled with the quest for national freedom and total human liberation from foreign domination.

 

3.                                 Specifically, many male reformers agitated for a change of women’s social position through education for women. Freer mobility for women and monogamy were also identified as progress for civilization.

 

4.                                 Women had neither access to education nor could their voices be heard in public spaces as a discriminated gender. But the fact that male scholars and reformers were convinced that legal and social reform for women had to be an integrated agenda for social progress and national liberation had sown seeds of change for women’s lives in the days ahead.  However, such a reform or change did not go beyond the issue of women’s subordination and critique of patriarchal culture in all aspects of life in the home, religion and society at large.

 

5.                                 Women’s education in the form of schools and higher education for girls and women were established from the 19th century onwards. There were limitations.   Broadly speaking, the advocacy of education for women over two centuries in many parts of Asia had resulted in 2 distinct types:

 

i)                                   One type of education had brought about a dynamic changing situation of women by male reformers and then by women them-

 

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selves. Such education has given rise to wide literacy among women. A flowering of feminist literature in the form of books, novels, journals and magazines touched and dealt with issues of women’s role in society. Such feminist ideas had raised women’s consciousness and sown seeds for the liberation of women in the years and centuries to come.

 

ii)                                  The other type was perceived as colonial and middle-class education as it was class biased and patriarchal. Because it was primarily aimed at educating the good wives and daughters of those men who had taken higher positions in the colonial society. Though it was considered as progressive at its time, it did not cater to women in the working class and peasantry.  

 

6.       The emergence of autonomous women’s organizations and associations was a major milestone. Jayawardena perceived it as “the most important development in Asian feminism during that period” because these women were also linked to political groups and they played an important part in nationalist struggles.

 

7.       “The women’s movements in many countries of Asia achieved political and legal equality with men at the juridical level, but failed to make any impression on women’s subordination within the patriarchal structures of family and society.  Feminist consciousness did not develop, except in rare exceptions, to the point of questioning traditional patriarchal structures.”[7]

 

8.       Jayawardena was able to present examples of revolutionary feminism in Asia even during early 20th century. According to her, these examples proved that feminism was not just a “diversion” or an abnormal middle class phenomenon. She asserted also that feminism must be considered equally important as the movements for nationalism and decolonisation that was sweeping across most Asian countries. This she said “was a process which had to be continuous and permanent during all stages of the struggle.”[8]

 

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9.       Knowing feminist history in Asia is crucial for knowledge and understanding. Women’s emancipation and feminism in the 19th and 20th centuries had been “hidden from history” as Jayawardena has discovered. Hence, it is a high priority for women to recover and claim Women’s History as Gerda Lerner[9] asserts:   “Women’s History is indispensable and essential to the emancipation of women.” because “Women are essential and central to creating society; they are and always have been actors and agents in history. Women have ‘made history’, yet they have been kept from knowing their History and from interpreting history, either their own or that of men.”

 

Having looked at some accounts of Asian feminist struggles in history, albeit brief, we can wrap up here and clarify that:

 

1.    Feminism did NOT originate from the West.                                                         

2.    It was NOT IMPOSED ON Asian societies.

3.    Historical experiences show the dynamic and changing situations of women.

 

We have seen the contexts in Asia that gave rise to and had feminism at the heart of all its struggles. So western feminist articulation was not the precedent of Asian feminist struggle. Some trends contained in the western feminist theories already existed in Asian feminist struggles even before they were articulated as theories in the West. This will become apparent as we look at the different feminist theories.

 

During the second wave (1960s), feminism in the West as a social movement for change in the position of women was built on a sense of common identity and shared experiences. However, by the late 1970s, feminist movement became fragmented because the notion of global sisterhood did not seem to work. It became clear that modern feminism could not build on a unified platform or arrive at a shared definition of feminism. The reason

 

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behind this is diversity and differences in vision/emphasis, nature of campaigns, strategies, interpretations and analyses of the woman question. This plurality can be found in the four types of feminist analysis in the West.

 

Feminist theories

The following summary is taken mainly from Cecilia Ng’s paper[10] (See also the table on “Feminist Theories” in the appendix presented by C. Ng).

 

Liberal Feminism

The notion of liberalism emerged during the rise of capitalism and developed during the 18th and 19th century. The liberal feminists believe that all human beings are rational beings. Each individual has equal capacity. Believing also in individual rights, each person therefore has the right to seek for self-interest and by maximizing it would attain self-fulfilment. Therefore the state and society should protect these rights of everyone.

 

The overriding goal was set in applying liberal principles to women as well as men. They believe men and women are equal but that a legal redress is necessary as women were discriminated in the laws. Hence, campaigns for legal reform were launched in the 18th and 19th. The liberal feminists pressed for women’s right to own property, to receive education and to go to vote. In the 20th century, they fought for equal rights in employment, credit, training and educational opportunities as they realized that legislation alone was not enough, they also looked into laws that would affirm women’s position. This can be seen in the Women in development (WID) programmes. In the late 20th century the WID approach was reflected where efforts to integrate women into the development trend of many countries in Asia. To achieve this, emphasis was placed on increasing literacy among women, greater and equal employment.

 

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However critics view liberal feminism as individualistic. It is short of analysis that women, as gender group, are divided by class, ethnicity, age group, creed, needs and different personal capacities. For instance laws may be passed but poor women may not gain anything much as class barriers exist in the societal structure. Liberal feminists were also criticised for not questioning social structures that perpetuate inequalities between men and women in jobs and wages. For example, women workers in many developing countries receive lower wages and have less skilled jobs than men.  

 

Liberal feminists are also labelled as egalitarian feminists as they strive to be equal to men. But this drive for sexual equality cause women to prove themselves and hence they take on male values, standards and achievements as social norms towards equality in public life. It does not pay attention to unequal gender relations in terms of sexuality and reproduction. 

 

Radical Feminism

The US women’s liberation movement in the late 1960s gave birth to radical feminism. Corresponding to it was the anti-war [Vietnam] movement. Many of the founders were white, middle-class women who had higher or tertiary education. Some were said to have come from the left groups because they were disillusioned by male dominance who advocated for peace and justice. They have common experience of male oppression. Hence radical feminists maintain that women as a social class are oppressed by men as a social class. Patriarchy prevails in the home where male control over women’s body/sexuality, marriage, sexual slavery, pornography, reproduction and rape exist. They believe and hold “sisterhood” as global. Regardless of class, race, ethnicity, nationality, they believe that any woman in the world has more in common with any other woman than with any man.

 

The strategy then is to combat patriarchy through a creation of women’s culture. They affirm that women can recreate their own lives outside of patriarchal definitions and confines. E.g. Lesbian feminism is argued as a political act, a counter ideology and culture of heterosexuality. They are active in setting up women’s centres, rape crisis and women’s health centres. To some extent radical feminism has been successful on global networking and soli-

 

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            darity on issues of international sexual slavery and trafficking.

 

The rise of many women’s groups in the 1980s focused on violence against women, specifically on issues of rape, domestic violence and sexual harassment. In response to such crises faced by women, many women’s half way house, shelters and hotline have been set up. Though these women’s centres may not hold a clear radical feminist stance, it was observed that radical feminism has made an impact on local campaigns on violence against women.

 

The emergence of eco-feminism movement was partly rooted in the belief that women have a closer relationship with nature.  Based on the feminine principle, women are more caring, nurturing and sustaining in life. Hence they are more identified with nature than men do. The movement was mooted also as an alternative to crisis in capitalist and socialist development.

 

However, critics observe that radical feminism is too universalistic and essentialist. There is no reference to any historical context because the thinking accepts biology as the determinant factor. It is blind to class differences. Though it believes gender relations is a primary oppression, yet it does not take into account unequal relations between poor men of colour and rich white women. It also lacks in analysis and historical perspective of race and ethnicity.  Hence the concept of “global sisterhood” for liberation becomes questionable.

 

While its principle of the “personal is political” has convinced many, radical feminism fails to understand that “a woman’s personal experience is as much conditioned by her class and ethnicity as by her sex.”

 

Marxist Feminism

Marxist feminism views the ‘woman question’ from a class struggle perspective in a capitalist system. Under capitalism, working class women are exploited. Drawing their analysis from the work of Engels (written in 1884, entitled the origin of the family, private properly and the state (1975), Marxist feminists believe that when capitalism is overthrown, class and gender

 

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inequality will disappear. They ignore the reality of women’s position in the household and do not examine gender relations seriously. Though they realize women’s work in the house should be given economic value they fail to see that sexual division of labour exist in the economic work force. In both domestic and economic sectors women participate and contribute to production. But it has not addressed the question why women are still subjected to male domination both in and outside of home, even in the socialist structure. For instance, studies of socialist countries in the 70s and 80s show that women remain subordinate at work and at home.  It shows also a serious lack of analysis on gender and power relations between men and women in the capitalist system.

 

Socialist Feminism

The birth of socialist feminism was known as an “unhappy marriage” between Marxism and feminism in the early 1970s.  It is aimed at developing a political theory and practice that would combine the best insights of radical feminism and the Marxist tradition. Socialist feminists struggle equally against capitalism and male dominance in the home, and oppression in work place and society. In its analysis, the class factor is essential in the subordination of women. Coupled with class, Socialist feminists recognise that it is important to view imperialism and its negative effects on the oppression of women in the third world. At the same time, class, gender, race and ethnic relations of power are essential for understanding society.  

 

Socialist feminism has a better understanding and analysis of patriarchy. But they admit they are short of understanding the complex inter­relations of class, race and gender power structures.

 

            Problems associated with these positions

C. Ng points out that each distinct feminist position is not so clear-cut but that certain areas may overlap one over another. She further discusses that “particularly at the present time when feminist analysis is experiencing tremendous challenges and changes, no one person might identify completely with one position. In fact, as is often the case, one could align with different theories or different aspects of these theories. Alternatively, one might come

 

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            out with her or his own understanding of ‘the woman question’” [p. 2]

 

She speaks of “a current problem and debate in feminist analysis – that of universalism Vs difference”, which she presents as “women – universal, different or multiple subject?” in her paper. Or what others termed as “post-modernist feminism” (or post-structuralist feminism) [P. 13].

 

Post-modernist Feminism

Posed as a recent development and critique of all the four main streams of feminist thinking, one cannot generalise the woman question in universal terms. There is no one category of women. Women’s movements have experienced that there are many different paths to feminist analysis and practice. They learned that women are in fact divided by ideology, class, ethnic, cultural, age or sexuality positions.  For examples, black women and black men have more in common than with white middle-class women; first world and third world women are different. Third world women face problems of poverty and indigenous women’s issues while first world women focus on individual sexuality rights. Therefore there is no global sisterhood due to diversities and multiple identities.

 

Feminism: Empowerment of Women

Engaging in the above debate and going further in her own feminist analysis, Cecilia Ng[11] discusses and presents feminism in this manner:

 

·         Awareness of women’s Oppression/discrimination in the family, at

·         Work and in society

·         Understanding/making an analysis of that Oppression/exploitation

·         Linking this understanding with other Oppressive forces in society

·         Conscious action by men and women to change this unequal situation(s)

·         It is a theoretical and political project of transforming gender and other power relations in society.

 

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For the empowerment of women, C. Ng presents feminism as a dynamic process which:

                

·         Challenges the existing ideologies and structures which perpetuate patriarchy;

·         Mobilizes women and men to struggle and fight for women’s rights (rights are never given – they have to be fought for);

·         Organizes a movement - social and political - to change the power structures in society – not just against male domination but against all forms of inequality in society – towards justice and democracy;

·         Transforms structures and institutions to make them more just and democratic and participatory; and

·         Builds alternative ideologies, structures and institutions to ensure that women’s dignity and rights are upheld and gender equality achieved.

 

MEN WILL ALSO BE LIBERATED IN THE PROCESS!

 

Feminism: Relevance and praxis in SCM-WSCF Asia-Pacific

Is feminism present and relevant in SCM and WSCF? Was it a recent phenomenon?  How did it emerge and why? These and many other questions come to mind when one speaks of the woman question in the WSCF community life on all levels. Beyond that, what about the larger ecumenical movement including the church institutions?

 

An overview of WSCF history and women in the life of the Federation will appropriate the relevance and praxis of feminism. However, due to time constraint and various limitations, I am only able to make a few emphases here:

 

1. Debates on the woman question occurred in the history of WSCF (1895) throughout different historical periods, time and space.  As feminism grew all over the world, it was also present in the life and work of the SCM and WSCF. This existence within the ecumenical movement and WSCF should be seen as a part of the wider feminist movement.

 

2. Though the Asia-Pacific regional women’s project was created in 1978, the seeds for this creation had already been sown in the early years by women whose leadership and voices had created a major difference

 

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            in earlier General assemblies and WSCF work.

 

3. SCM Women coming from a diverse and pluralistic situation in Asia and Pacific shared their stories, visions and perspectives. Identifying themselves with women in and outside of the Federation, they analyzed the oppression of women as an integral part of the larger human struggle for total human liberation. Their analyses of patriarchy and gender oppression were articulated with perspectives of class, race, ethnicity, religion and creed, age and sexual orientation. 

 

4. Efforts to attain gender balance in the human resources development and formation of women leadership within the WSCF, SCM structures etc., must all be seen in the light of similar demands that was current in the feminist movement of the time.

 

 5. Based on their lived experiences, women held a vision that is more embracing and encompassing of the New Humanity. Their struggle for freedom, justice and equality in Asia and the Pacific is rooted and integrated in the total human struggle for liberation, equality, peace with justice in a new social order. For the final liberation of humankind and society will only be complete when women are liberated and men are freed from patriarchy.

 

 

            References:

Cecilia Ng, “The Woman Question: Problems in Feminist Analysis”, Kajian Malaysia, Jil. XII, Nos 1 & 2, June/December 1994.

Cecilia Ng, “Module 3: Feminist Approaches to Analysing Women’s Position”, in Gender and Feminist Analysis Training Module, published by Women’s Development Collective Training Institute, Malaysia, 1999]

Gerder Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford University Press, New York, 1986.

Jayawardena, Kumari, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World, London, Zed Press, 1986.

Kamla Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan, Some questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in South Asia, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1986.

 

 



[1] The simple exercise was a request to the participants of SELF2003 to write down what do they think or know about the word, ‘Feminism’. Please refer to the discussion notes on Feminism.

[2] Kamla Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan, Some questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in South Asia, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1986. p. 1.

 

 

 

[3]  Kamla Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan, Some questions on FEMINISM and its relevance in South Asia, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1986. p. 2.

 

[4]  Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World, London, Zed Press, 1986, pp 8-19.

[5]  Ibid.

[6]  Ibid. p.3.

 

 

[7]   Ibid. P. 24

[8]   Ibid. P.10

[9]   Gerder Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford University Press, New York, 1986, pages 3 and 5.

 

 

[10]  Cecilia Ng, “The Woman Question: Problems in Feminist Analysis”, Kajian Malaysia, Jil. XII, Nos 1 & 2, June/December 1994.

 

[11] Cecilia Ng, “Module 3: Feminist Approaches to Analysing Women’s Position”, in   Gender and Feminist Analysis Training Module, published by Women’s Development Collective Training Institute, Malaysia, 1999.