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Chapter 9 – From 1676 to 1680

State of politics in the Deccan when Sivajee undertakes his expedition into the Carnatic – How suggested – preliminary arrangements – Sivajee departs – Conference and alliance with Kootub Shah at Hyderabad – proceeds to the southward – extraordinary devotions – Progress of the conquests – Negotiations with Venkajee – Golcondah is invaded by the Moghuls, and the army of Beejapoor – they are repulsed – Death of Abdool Khureem – Musaood Khan, by the influence of Dilere Khan, appointed regent – Sivajee sets out on his return – takes Bellary, Venkajee attacks Sivajee’s troops, and is defeated – A body of Mahrattas in the service of Beejapoor defeated by Sivajee’s troops – Successes of Jenardin Punt, who by the aid of Humbeer Rao reduces the Dooab – Proceedings of Moro Punt – Sultan Mauzum returns to Aurungabad as viceroy – Dilere Khan again ordered against Beejapoor – Musaood Khan calls in the aid of Sivajee, who commits dreadful devastation in the Moghul provinces – plunders Jaulna – is attacked, and in danger of being worsted, when he retrieves the day by his personal exertions – is subsequently saved from great danger by one of his guides – Twenty-seven forts taken – Musaood Khan earnestly solicits further assistance – Sumbhajee deserts to the Moghuls – Dilere Khan’s proposals – Emperor’s objection – Sumbhajee returns to his father – Dilere Khan raises the siege of Beejapoor – crosses the Kistna, with a body of horse, and is attacked and defeated by Jenardin Punt – Sivajee’s claims is consequence of the assistance offered to Beejapoor – Supremacy of Tanjore, &c. transferred to Sivajee – Venkajee’s independence affected by this arrangement – his behaviour in consequence – Sivajee’s excellent advice – Sivajee’s death and character – possessions and treasures – The ministers influenced by Soyera Bye, propose setting Sumbhajee aside, and appointing Raja Ram to the succession – Sumbhajee discovers

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the plot – takes command of Panalla – displays considerable energy – seizes Jenardin Punt – Moro Punt and Humbeer Rao join Sumbhajee – The garrison of Raigurh and the army declare for him.

1676

The emperor Aurungzebe, hitherto occupied in establishing his authority, regulating affairs, or suppressing revolt in the north, had never lost sight of his early and favourite scheme of annexing the whole Deccan to the empire; but whilst his own presence was required in other parts, he was too suspicious to intrust the conquest to any deputy. He was, therefore, persevering in a systematic plan, calculated, as he conceived, to weaken and undermine the powers in that quarter so effectually that, when he could spare sufficient leisure, he might, with an overwhelming force, sweep all before him, and find a country rather to settle than to subdue.

Khan Jehan Buhadur was not an officer competent to the task of reducing the Deccan; but even if he had been, the army under his command was quite insufficient for such a purpose. The weakness of the Moghuls, defeated as large detachments of them were by the Mahrattas, on more than one occasion, seemed likely to afford encouragement for a confederacy of the other powers against them; but in the divided state of affairs both at Beejapoor and Golcondah, principally maintained by his intrigues, Aurungzebe probably viewed it in a contrary light, as being less likely to rouse combination. His ambassadors were employed to create dissensions, not only by exciting jealousy between the Mahomedan

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courts; but by bribing every man in power, and stirring up factions in the internal governments.

Although Sivajee’s daring robberies and incursions excited the utmost indignation, he was still, contemptible as a power in the eyes of Aurungzebe; and whilst so considered, his ravages, directed against Beejapoor or Golcondah, were favourable to the emperor’s plan. In this view, we may, in some measure, account for the conduct of Khan Jehan, who, for a long time, enjoyed as much of Aurungzebe’s confidence as any of his officers, although it must have been well known to the emperor that Sivajee frequently purchased his connivance, or forbearance; for the fact was notorious in the European settlements.

With regard to Beejapoor and Golcondah, although the exertions of Abdool Khureem had obtained a temporary peace, he himself, as head of the faction which had destroyed Khowaus Khan, had nothing to hope from the Moghuls. His interests were completely those of the state; and had it not been for his connection with Dilere Khan, and the other Afghans of the Moghul army, it was far more natural for him to have become the ally of Sivajee than of Aurungzebe. The Moghul faction in Beejapoor were the regent’s enemies; and the emperor, preserving the forms which the pacification required, sent there as his envoy, Mullik Berkhordar, a native of Kashmeer, on whose address he placed reliance, to draw over the nobility not yet of his party, and to perplex the regent by every apparent civility and every mischievous intrigue.

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At Golcondah, the Moghul influence had long preponderated; the death, however, of Abdool Kootub Shah, in 1672, had not been attended with the advantages which Aurungzebe may have anticipated. The nearest heir, Abou Hussein, the son-in-law and successor of the late king, notorious for dissipated habits in his youth, was, on ascending the throne, completely reclaimed. Although a weak prince, he on some occasions, asserted the dignity of his high place; but he was under the influence of two brothers, Mahdhuna Punt and Akhana Punt; who, although reckoned men of ability, particularly the former, had all that disposition to refinement in intrigue, which constitutes a principal defect in Bramin statesmen. Aurungzebe’s measures partake precisely of that character; and the result proves, not only the insignificance of the deepest cunning, but how much a homely maxim might serve as a lesson for kings. The emperor did not contemplate the whole effects of his system; and the treachery and corruption, encouraged or tolerated at this period, were a principal cause of irretrievable confusion in the latter part of his reign.

But without further anticipation, such, in regard to the different powers, is a general view of the state of the Deccan when Sivajee undertook his expedition into the Carnatic. It was first suggested by Rugonath Narrain Hunwuntay, whom we have already mentioned, as the successor of his father, Naroo Punt, in the management of Shahjee’s Jagheer in the Carnatic. Rugonath Narrain, was a man of superior abilities, but after the death of his

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patron, he disgusted Venkajee by his overbearing conduct; and on the other hand, the young man’s interference in the direction of his own affairs, gave the minister great offence. Their mutual interests, however, suppressed their growing hatred for a long time; but after eleven or twelve years, Rugonath Narrain left the Carnatic, and proceeded to the court of Abou Hussein at Golcondah, where he formed an acquaintance with Mahdhuna Punt, and contrived to gain his confidence; but whether he took these steps, foreseeing the scheme to which he afterwards applied them, is uncertain. He came, however, to join Sivajee, by whom, as an old and distinguished servant of his father, and a brother of the Somunt Purdhan, he was received with great respect; and Ramchundur Punt, being the youngest of the ministers, Sivajee displaced him to make room for Rugonath Punt Hunwuntay, on whom he conferred the office of Amat Purdhan. The discussion of Sivajee’s claim to share, according to Hindoo law, in half the possessions of Shahjee, and the possibility of making this a cloak for more extensive acquisitions in the south, was a constant subject of consultation during the rains, when Sivajee lay ill at Satara301.

The period was in every respect favourable to the undertaking, as the affiance between Beejapoor and the Moghuls, and particularly the connection between the regent and Dilere Khan, was a certain means of exciting the jealous apprehensions of Mahdhuna Punt: Dilere Khan had always shown himself

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a determined enemy of Golcondah; and he was likewise known to entertain an equal degree of enmity towards Sivajee.

The first object effected was an agreement with Khan Jehan, by giving him a large sum of money, part, it would appear, publicly, and a part privately. That which was publicly received, was styled tribute by the Moghul; an appellation to which Sivajee reconciled himself; even at this stage of his independence, by comparing it to the oil-cake given to his milch cow302.

To secure his possessions, the frontier forts on the eastern side, which he had just completed, were well calculated to repel the inroads of Ghatgay and Nimbalkur; and in order to guard the coast against the attacks or descents of the Seedee, he left Annajee Dutto, the Punt Suchew, with strong garrisons and a large body of disposeable infantry. His forts between Kallian and Ponda were very numerous; and no place could be attacked without being speedily supported from various quarters. The particular care of this tract was thus made over to the Suchew, but he was directed to assist the Peishwa, Moro Punt, to whom Sivajee delegated the chief management during his absence; this division of power, however, created an unconquerable jealousy between these ministers.

1677

At the close of the year 1676, Sivajee set out at the head of thirty thousand horse, and forty thousand infantry, towards Golcondah. Carefully abstaining from plunder, his march was conducted with the greatest regularity. Prillhad

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Punt, the son of the Nyadeish Purdhan, was sent forward to announce his approach, which, although known to Mahdhuna Punt, occasioned astonishment and alarm at Hyderabad. Mahdhuna Punt came out some distance to meet Sivajee, and the day after his arrival at Golcondah, he had an interview with Kootub Shah, which lasted for several hours; many consultations followed, and Sivajee had the address to persuade the king, that an alliance between them was not only necessary but natural303.

No authentic record of the particulars of the secret compact which was entered into has been preserved by the Mahrattas; but the purport seems to have been, a division of such parts of Sivajee’s conquests as had not belonged to his father, Shahjee, and a treaty offensive and defensive against the Moghuls and their allies304. With the usual burlesque advantages, which a power not consulted commonly obtains by such alliances of its neighbours, Beejapoor was to be admitted to all the benefits of this agreement, after its possessions in the Carnatic had been reduced and divided between Sivajee and Kootub Shah, on condition of dismissing Abdool Khureem from the regency, and receiving the brother of Mahdhuna Punt in his stead305. What further inducement may have been held out, or whether the ambition or avarice of Mahdhuna Punt may have been more treacherously excited,

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cannot be discovered; but Sivajee succeeded in obtaining a considerable supply of money; and what he most wanted, a train of artillery with its equipments. It is probable that he dispensed with all other reinforcements; and the necessity of keeping the whole of the troops of Kootub Shah for the defence of the kingdom, was an opinion likely to arise of itself, without being suggested by Sivajee.

After a month spent at Hyderabad, Sivajee, having concluded his arrangements, marched due south, and crossed the Kistna at the Neorootey Sungum, twenty-five miles below Kurnoul, about the month of March.

March 1677

Whilst his troops advanced slowly by the route of Kuddapah, Sivajee, with a body of cavalry, struck off to the eastward for the purpose of visiting the temple of Purwuttum306, where he performed many penances. At last he was worked up into such a state of enthusiasm as to draw his sword for the purpose of sacrificing himself to the Deity, when it is pretended he was saved by the direct interposition of the goddess Bhowanee, by whose inspiration Sivajee, on this occasion, uttered one of his many prophecies; and whilst the Deity, through him, declared the necessity of his yet remaining to perform many great services for the Hindoo faith, she announced the splendid conquests that were to be immediately achieved in the Carnatic307.

After passing twelve days in this extravagant manner, Sivajee followed his army, which descended into the Carnatic Payeen Ghaut by the Damulcherry308

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pass; and as he had a double object in view, he left the heavy part of his army to come on by easy stages, whilst he pushed on with the cavalry and a body of his Mawulees. He passed Madras in the first week of May309, and arriving in the neighbourhood of Ginjee, then belonging to Beejapoor, he obtained possession of it from the sons of Amber Khan, named Roop Khan, and Nazir Mohummud, according to a previous agreement through Rugonath Narrain310. Ramajee Nulgay, one of his Mawulee commanders, was appointed Havildar of the place, and the same regulations as those established in his forts in Maharashtra, were now, at a distance of six hundred miles, commenced in Drawed; and Wittul Peeldeo Garoodkur, with the general care of the dependant districts, was directed, in like manner, to introduce his revenue system.

An officer of the Beejapoor government, named Sher Khan, in charge of the district of Trinamullee, made an effort to oppose Sivajee at the head of five thousand horse; but he was quickly surrounded, made prisoner, and his horses seized, according to the custom of Mahratta victors. Suntajee, the half brother of Sivajee, had joined him before this affair, and very soon showed that he inherited a portion of the family spirit and ability.

In the meantime, the remaining part of the army

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which Sivajee had purposely left in the rear, had invested the strong fortress of Vellore. The siege was conducted by a Bramin, named Neerhurry Bullal. He erected his principal batteries on two adjacent hills, which he named Saujra and Gojura; and after a siege of some duration, the detail of which is very imperfectly given in the Mahratta manuscripts, the fort surrendered311 about the latter end of September.

During the siege of Vellore, Sivajee had been endeavouring to effect his designs on Tanjore, and had induced his brother to meet him at Trivadey, for the purpose of discussing his claim to share in their father’s property. Venkajee, apprised of his designs, would, in the first instance, have resisted by force; but the Naik of Madura, who had agreed to assist him, was detached from the alliance by the address of Rugonath Narrain, and Venkajee adopted the alternative of visiting his brother. Sivajee received him with many ‘professions of regard; but he could not persuade him to give up half the property. Whilst the one urged his claim, the other obstinately denied it. Sivajee, at first thought of making him prisoner, and compelling him to give up the half of Tanjore, of the Jagheer districts, and of the money and jewels; but on further consideration, according to the words of his own letter, as Venkajee had come of his own accord to visit him, such a measure appeared to be “inconsistent with his own character as

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a brother and a prince;” he therefore permitted him to return to Tanjore. To keep open the door of accommodation; though at the same time he had determined to seize upon the other districts, Sivajee sent messengers to Venkajee, to endeavour to prevail upon him to give up half of Tanjore, Arnee, one or two of the forts, and to make an equal division without any quarrel; desiring his brother to recollect that it was not mere territory he desired, of that he possessed and could bestow abundance, but his inheritance (wutun), he was bound in honor not to renounce.

After the interview at Trivadey, Sivajee came to Vellore, which had surrendered previous to his arrival. Carnaticgurh, and two other forts312, were reduced immediately after, and Vedo Bhaskur, a Bramin who had been in charge of Arnee since the time of Shahjee, brought the keys of the fort, and tendered his services to Sivajee, by whom he was confirmed in his command, and his two sons taken into the service. The Jagheer districts of Shahjee, consisting of Kolhar, Bangalore, Ouscotta, Balapoor, and Sera, were all taken possession of by Sivajee, before the beginning of the ensuing year; and his horse either levied contributions under the name of chouth and surdeshmookhee, or, where refused, plundered the whole Carnatic, subject to the kingdom of Beejapoor.

The truce, which Khan Jehan Buhadur had entered into with Sivajee, was not approved of by Aurungzebe; and Dilere Khan having submitted

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a proposal for invading Golcondah, assisted by Abdool Khureem, and the troops of Beejapoor, on the plan suited to the emperor’s system of exhausting the Deccan states, Khan Jehan was recalled, and Dilere Khan ordered to carry his proposals into effect.

The excuse for this combined attack on the part of Dilere Khan and Abdool Khureem, was the alliance which Kootub Shah had entered into with Sivajee. But Mahdhuna Punt had foreseen the coming storm; the invaders were met by an overwhelming force, and were soon compelled to retreat. The troops of Beejapoor had suffered great privation; numbers deserted in consequence, and those that remained were so disorderly and clamorous for want of pay, that it was impossible to lead them against the enemy313. To add to the general distress, Abdool Khureem was taken ill, and his life being despaired of, Dilere Khan attempted to reconcile the factions, and it was agreed, that, Musaood Khan, an Abyssinian, son-in-law of Seedee Johur, and Jagheerdar of Adonee314, should eventually succeed to the regency.

1678

Abdool Khureem died in January 1678, and Musaood Khan was appointed his successor accordingly. His personal property was the principal motive for choosing Musaood Khan, especially as he promised to pay the debts of Dilere Khan, as well as the arrears due to the troops315. He also

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bound himself to fulfil the agreement made by Khowaus Khan, to preserve peace and order, to have no sort of communication with Sivajee, to abide by the advice of Dilere Khan on all occasions, and to send Padshah Beebee to the Moghul camp. Musaood Khan paid a part of the arrears due to the infantry; but after returning to Beejapoor, he would neither pay nor retain a great portion of the cavalry. Large bodies were let loose upon the country in consequence; some were entertained by Moro Punt in Sivajee’s service, and others joined the Moghuls316. A gloomy discontent prevailed at Beejapoor; but on the regent’s afterwards promising not to give the king’s sister to the Moghuls, he acquired considerable popularity.

Dilere Khan, after the agreement with Musaood Khan was concluded, immediately marched towards Pairgaom; and Sivajee, on learning the state of affairs, began his march from the Carnatic. He appointed his half-brother Suntajee to the charge of Ginjee, and its dependancies, and associated him with Rugonath Narrain and Humbeer Rao Senaputtee, in the general management of his affairs in the Carnatic.

As Sivajee had given up no part of his late acquisitions, the king of Golcondah probably by this time perceived that he had been duped by him; but a friendly intercourse existed after Sivajee’s return to Raigurh.

When Sivajee’s troops arrived in the neighbourhood

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of Bellary, a few of his foragers were killed by some of the people belonging to the fort, which was then in possession of the widow of a Dessaye. As satisfaction was refused, the outrage furnished an excuse for attacking the place, which was invested and taken after a siege of twenty-seven days. Sivajee next besieged and took Kopaul. Buhadur Benda surrendered fifteen days afterwards, and the neighbouring country was immediately taken possession of. Jenardin Punt Somunt, one of the Purdhans, was left to settle the new acquisition. Sivajee continued his march, but on arriving at Toorgul, he halted; accounts having reached him of an attack made upon his troops in the Carnatic, by his brother Venkajee, who had been repulsed with considerable loss. Upon receipt of this intelligence, Sivajee addressed a long letter317 to his brother, in which he recapitulated everything that had occurred, represented the extreme indiscretion of a conduct, which had compelled him to take possession of the districts; and now, had obliged his officers to repel aggression by force of arms; that the slaughter of the vile Mahomedans, who had joined in the attack, was not to be regretted; but he ought to reflect on the sacrifice of valuable lives which it had occasioned. Sivajee, in this letter,

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dwells much on the necessity of union, and the propriety of peace; which last he now proposes to grant, on receiving the whole of their father’s territorial possessions in the Carnatic, for which he promises, either to allow his brother an equivalent in the Panalla districts, or to obtain a grant of territory from his ally Kootub Shah in some other part of the country, equal to three lacks of pagodas annually.

Venkajee, on receipt of this letter, requested an interview with Rugonath Narrain; but the latter replied that he was now in the service of his majesty Sivajee, but should be happy to attend, upon receiving orders to that effect. This permission having been obtained, Rugonath Narrain brought about an accommodation. Venkajee agreed to pay down a considerable sum of money, to divide their father’s jewels, and to share the revenue of the territory with his brother. On these conditions, Sivajee allowed him to retain Tanjore, and restored the Jagheer districts.

Whilst Sivajee remained near Toorgul, a body of horse, belonging to Ghatgay and Nimbalkur, appeared in the Panalla district, laid waste the country, and retired plundering towards Kurar. A detachment from Sivajee’s army, under Neelajee Katkur overtook them at Koorlee, attacked and dispersed them; recovering much valuable property, which, as it belonged to his own subjects, Sivajee scrupulously restored.

Jenardin Punt being threatened by a body of horse belonging to Beejapoor, Sivajee sent back a part of his troops to reinforce him, whilst he

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himself, attended by a small escort, reached Raigurh before the commencement of the south-west monsoon, after an absence of eighteen months.

Humbeer Rao, on the conclusion of the agreement with Venkajee, marched towards Maharashtra with all expedition, and Jenardin Punt, apprised of his approach, concerted a combined attack on the Beejapoor troops in the Dooab318; which completely succeeded: five hundred horses, five elephants, and the commander of the party were taken. The whole of the tract between the Toongbuddra and the Kistna was overrun, and the refractory Deshmookhs in the neighbourhood of Kopaul and Bellary, who had for some time refused all payments to the government of Beejapoor, were compelled to submit to the troops of Sivajee319. The reduced state of Beejapoor, its want of cavalry, and the swelling of the rivers from the rains, prevented Musaood Khan from making an effort to recover these valuable districts.

During Sivajee’s absence, Moro Trimmul, the Peishwa, provided for the security of the territory with his usual activity and ability. The war with the Seedees, who were reinforced every season by the Moghul fleet from Surat, continued to be waged with rancorous enmity. Descents upon the Mahratta coast, actions with vessels on both sides, attempts to burn the Seedee’s fleet, and a slow but lasting cannonade on Jinjeera, was the manner in

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which the warfare was maintained320. The only event which it seems requisite to particularize, was the supersession of Seedee Sumbhole, by Seedee Kassim, in consequence of an order from the emperor. The title conferred on the new chiefs who is admitted by the Mahrattas to have been an excellent officer, was Yakoot Khan, the same as that of his predecessor.

It was probably in consequence of the truce between the Moghuls and Beejapoor, that Moro Punt was induced to entertain numbers of the discharged cavalry of Beejapoor, being apprehensive that Dilere Khan meditated hostilities on his return to Pairgaom; but Aurungzebe was, displeased with the adjustment which Dilere Khan had made, and informed him that he ought to have effected a more complete arrangement by providing for the nobility, paying the arrears of the troops, and taking the government under the imperial protection; he, therefore, commanded him to endeavour to amend his error whilst it was yet reparable, to pay the arrears of the cavalry, and to draw over as many of the officers as he could321. Sultan. Mauzum was again appointed to the government of the Deccan; but the command of the army in the field remained with Dilere Khan. The Afghan party in Beejapoor were easily detached; but many of those

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who were violently factious, although averse to the existing authority, had still a greater dislike to the Moghuls. The envoy formally demanded Padshah Beebee as the only means of averting an immediate siege. Musaood Khan refused compliance. One of the factions, headed by Syud Mukhtoom, and instigated by Mullik Berkhordar, assembled in arms to enforce the request, at a time when the regent was unprepared; but a battle in the midst of the city, was prevented by the king’s sister, who herself repaired to the spot, and declared her intention of proceeding to the Moghul camp; vainly but generously imagining that, by this sacrifice, her brother and his kingdom might be saved322. The Mahomedan inhabitants of Beejapoor, who yet remain, revert with fond garrulity to this anecdote, and to many traditionary legends of their last and favourite princess.

1679

Padshah Beebee reached Dilere Khan’s camp when the Moghuls were advancing to invest the city; a fit escort was furnished to conduct her to Aurungabad, but the Imperial army prosecuted its march. Musaood Khan, in this dilemma, sought assistance from Sivajee, who agreed to attack Dilere Khan, or effect a diversion in favour of the besieged. For this purpose Sivajee assembled a large body of cavalry at Panalla, and marched towards Beejapoor; but finding the besiegers strong, and not choosing to encounter the Patans, of whom a large portion of Dilere Khan’s army was composed, he only made a show

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of attacking; advanced slowly until within twenty-four miles of the camp, when he turned off to the northward, rapidly crossed the Beema, and attacked the Moghul possessions, literally, with fire and sword, leaving the inhabitants houseless, and the villages in ashes. Dilere Khan did not relinquish the siege, and Sivajee continued his depredations from the Beema to the Godavery. He crossed the latter river, attacked Jaulna, and, although Sultan Mauzum was at Aurungabad, plundered the town leisurely for three days, pointing out, as was his custom on such occasions, the particular houses and spots where money and valuables were secreted. Nothing escaped him, and no place was a sanctuary; the residence of the peers, or Mahomedan saints, which Sivajee had hitherto held sacred, were on this occasion pillaged323. The laden booty was a certain signal that Sivajee would take some route towards Raigurh, and a body of ten thousand horse having been collected, by the prince’s orders, from various parts, under Runmust Khan, pursued, overtook, and attacked Sivajee near Sungumnere on his route to Putta. A part of his troops were thrown into confusion, owing principally to the impetuosity of Suntajee Ghorepuray; Seedojee Nimbalkur, an officer of distinction was killed324; but Sivajee led a desperate charge325, and by great personal exertion retrieved

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the day. The Moghul troops were broken, and he continued his route; but he had not proceeded far when we was again attacked by the Moghuls, who had been joined by a large reinforcement under Kishen Sing, one of the grandsons of Mirza Raja Jey Sing. This division cut him off from the pass to which he was marching, and Sivajee’s army was unable to contend with such an accumulated force. But the superior intelligence of one of his Jasooses326, or guides, saved Sivajee in this emergency. He conducted him across the hills by a pass unknown to the Moghuls, by which he gained several hours march in advance and safely reached Putta327. The Moghul troops returned to Aurungabad, and Sivajee judged the opportunity favourable for possessing himself of the whole of the forts near Putta, twenty-seven in number; for which purpose he ordered a body of infantry to join Moro Punt from the Concan, in order to reduce as many of them as possible; and a large detachment of cavalry was likewise placed at the Peishwa’s disposal.

Sivajee remained at Putta until he received an express from Musaood Khan, entreating him to return southward, and make an effort to relieve the city: “that Dilere Khan had run his approaches

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close to the walls, and that nothing but prompt exertion could save them328.” Sivajee again set off for Beejapoor, when news reached him that his son Sumbhajee had fled and joined Dilere Khan. He directed his army to pursue their route under Humbeer Rao, whilst he himself retired to Panalla to devise means of bringing back Sumbhajee.

The conduct of his eldest son had for some time been a source of grief and vexation to Sivajee; and in consequence of Sumbhajee’s attempting to violate the person of the wife of a Bramin, his father, for a time, confined him in Panalla, and placed a strict watch over him after he was released. Sumbhajee, impatient under this control, took advantage of his father’s absence, and deserted to Dilere Khan329, by whom he was received with great distinction330.

Dilere Khan sent accounts of this event to the emperor, and proposed, as the Mahrattas were becoming so very powerful, to set up Sumbhajee at the head of a party, in opposition to his father, in order to divide their interests, and facilitate the capture of the forts. But this scheme, although it appeared to Dilere Khan similar to what was then carried on against Beejapoor and Golcondah, was disapproved by the emperor, as it would ultimately conduce to strengthen predatory power; and it is remarkable that this reason, than which none could be more just at that period, should be

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recorded by a Mahratta biographer of Sivajee331. Although it rests on no other authority, we cannot but remark, that had such an opinion guided Aurungzebe’s measures at an earlier period, and the view been a little more extended, so as to have preserved the other Mahomedan states from becoming first a prey, and then an accession of strength to the Mahrattas, the policy of this emperor might have met its meed of praise, with far more justice than we can discover in those eulogies which have been frequently bestowed upon it.

But before sufficient time had elapsed to obtain a reply from court, Dilere Khan, intent on his own scheme, took measures for carrying it into effect. He sent a detachment of his army from before Beejapoor, accompanied by Sumbhajee, as Raja of the Mahrattas, to lay siege to Bhopaulgurh, the extreme outpost of Sivajee’s possessions to the eastward, which was taken.

Humbeer Rao, detached by Sivajee towards Beejapoor, fell in with eight or nine thousand cavalry, under Runmust Khan, the same officer lately sent by Sultan Mauzum against Sivajee; and he again sustained a severe defeat.

Moro Punt took Ahoont and Nahawagurh; both forts of great strength, dispersed his army all over Candeish, which was plundered and laid waste. Humbeer Rao hovered about the camp of Dilere Khan; whilst the besieged, encouraged by Musaood Khan, continued a most resolute defence. Dilere Khan pressed the siege, but personal exertion

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could not avail when all supplies were cut off. He at last was compelled to abandon all hope of reducing the place; and at the end of the rains attacked the open country, plundered Hutnee, crossed the Kistna as soon as fordable, divided the troops, and was laying waste the Carnatic, when Jenardin Punt, with six thousand horse attacked the party commanded by Dilere Khan in person, completely defeated him, intercepted his parties, cut several of them to pieces, and compelled him to retreat.

By this time orders had arrived from the emperor recalling Sultan Mauzum, disapproving of Dilere Khan’s measures, and reinstating Khan Jehan in command of the army, and in the government of the Deccan. Sumbhajee was ordered to be sent prisoner to Delhi; but Dilere Khan, who had permitted Sivajee’s emissaries to have access to him, now connived at his escape; and, although Sivajee was reconciled to him, he confined him in the fort of Panalla until he should give proofs of amendment.

1680

Sivajee, as the price of his alliance with Beejapoor, required the cession of the tract around Kopaul and Bellary; also, the, cession of all claims to sovereignty on the conquered territory in Drawed, the principality of Tanjore; and the Jagheer districts of Shahjee. These conditions being complied with, Sivajee went to the neighbourhood of the city of Beejapoor, where he had an interview and a secret consultation with Musaood Khan.

The supremacy granted to Sivajee was considered

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by Venkajee as a death-blow to his independence; he was already not only subjected to the interference of Rugonath Punt, but Sivajee, on pretense of assisting him with fit agents, took a large share of the management into his own hands. Venkajee, impatient of control, appears to have been so greatly mortified, that he resigned himself to melancholy, neglected his affairs, omitted even the usual care of his person, and the observances enjoined by his religion; he became careless and abstracted from all worldly affairs, and assumed the conduct rather of a devotee than of an active chief, such as he had hitherto shown himself. On this occasion Sivajee addressed a letter to him full of energy and good sense. This letter was amongst the last332 that Sivajee ever dictated; he was taken

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ill at Raigurh, occasioned by painful swelling in his knee joint, which became gradually worse, and at last threw him into a high fever, which, on the seventh day from its commencement, terminated his existence, on the 5th day of April, 1680, in the 53rd year of his age.

Such was the end of Sivajee. We have passed over some details in his warfare with the Seedees, which may require retrospective notice, and have

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been drawn forward by a chain of more important events, until we have reached that point where we naturally pause, to look back on the life of any human being who has just ceased to be. Sivajee was, certainly, a most extraordinary person; and however justly many of his acts may be censured, his claim to high rank in the page of history must be admitted. To form an estimate of his character, let us consider him assembling and conducting a band of half-naked Mawulees through the wild tracts where he first established himself, unmindful of obstruction from the elements, turning the most inclement seasons to advantage, and inspiring the minds of such followers with undaunted enthusiasm. Let us also observe, the singular plans of policy he commenced, and which we must admit, to have been altogether novel and most fit for acquiring power at such a period. Let us examine his internal regulations, the great progress he made in arranging every department in the midst of almost perpetual warfare, and his successful stratagems for escaping or extricating himself from difficulty; and whether planning the capture of a fort, or the conquest of a distant country; heading an attack or conducting a retreat; regulating the discipline to be observed amongst a hundred horse, or laying down arrangements for governing a country; we view his talents with admiration, and his genius with wonder. For a popular leader his frugality was a remarkable feature in his character; and the richest plunder never made him deviate from the rules he had laid down for its appropriation.

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Sivajee was patient and deliberate in his plans, ardent, resolute, and persevering in their execution; but, even in viewing the favourable side, duplicity and meanness are so much intermixed with his schemes, and so conspicuous in his actions, that the offensive parts of a worse character might be passed over with less disgust. Superstition, cruelty, and treachery are not only justly alleged against him, but he always preferred deceit to open force when both were in his power. But to sum up all, let us contrast his craft, pliancy, and humility with his boldness, firmness, and ambition; his power of inspiring enthusiasm while he showed the coolest attention to his own interests; the dash of a partizan adventurer, with the order and economy of a statesman; and, lastly, the wisdom of his plans which raised the despised Hindoos to sovereignty, and brought about their own accomplishment, when the hand that had framed them was low in the dust.

Sivajee’s admirers among his own nation speak of him as an incarnation of the Deity, setting an example of wisdom, fortitude, and piety. Mahrattas, in general, consider that necessity justifies a murder, and that political assassination is often wise and proper. They admit that Sivajee authorized the death of Chunder Rao, the Raja of Jowlee; but few of them acknowledge that Afzool Khan was murdered. The vulgar opinion is, that the Khan was the aggressor; and the event is spoken of rather as a commendable exploit than a detestable and treacherous assassination.

From what can be learned of Sivajee in domestic

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life, his manners were remarkably pleasing, and his address winning; he was apparently frank, but seldom familiar; passionate in his disposition, but kind to his dependants and relations. He was a man of small stature, and of an active rather than strong make; his countenance was handsome and intelligent; he had very long arms in proportion to his size, which is reckoned a beauty among Mahrattas333. The sword334 which he constantly used, and which he named after the goddess Bhowanee, is still preserved by the Raja of Satara with the utmost veneration, and has all the honours of an idol paid to it.

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Sivajee, at the time of his death, was in possession of the whole of that part of the Concan extending from Gundavee to Panda; with the exceptions of Goa, lower Choule, Salsette, and Bassein, belonging to the Portuguese; Jinjeera in possession of the Abyssinians; and the English settlement on the island of Bombay. He had Thannas in Carwar, Ankola, and several places on the coast, where he shared the districts with the Deshmookhs. The chief of Soonda acknowledged his authority; and the Rana of Bednore paid him an annual tribute. Exclusive of his possessions around Bellary and Kopaul, his conquests in Drawed, his supremacy as well as share in Tanjore, and the Jagheer districts of his father in the Carnatic, Sivajee occupied that tract of Maharashtra from the Hurnkassee river on the south, to the Indooranee river on the north, between Poona and Joonere. The districts of Sopa, Baramuttee, and Indapoor, were occasionally held, and always claimed by him as his paternal Jagheer; and the line of forts, built from Tattora to Panalla, distinctly mark the boundary of his consolidated territory to the eastward. He, however, had a number of detached places. Singnapoor, at the temple of Mahdeo, was his hereditary Enam village335, the fort of Parneira, near Damaun, was rebuilt by Moro Trimmul; and his garrisons and thannas occupied a great part of Buglana, and several strong places in Candeish and Sungumnere. His personal wealth was immense; and making

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large allowance for exaggeration in the Mahratta manuscripts, he had, without doubt, several millions in specie336 at Raigurh.

The territory and treasures, however, which Sivajee acquired, were not so formidable to the Mahomedans as the example he had set, the system and habits he introduced, and the spirit he had infused into a large proportion of the Mahratta people.

None of his successors inherited his genius, but the rise and fall of empires depend on such an infinite variety of circumstances, that those instruments which often appear to human foresight the least likely to produce a particular end, are the very means by which it is accomplished.

Sivajee had four wives, Suhyee Bye, of the family of Nimbalkur; Soyera Bye, of the Sirkay family; Pootla Bye, of the family of Mohitey; and a fourth wife, whose name and family are unknown. Of these, two survived him, Soyera Bye, and Pootla Bye; the latter immolated herself, but was burnt some weeks after her husband’s corpse, owing to the secrecy which was observed respecting his death.

Suhyee Bye, the mother of Sumbhajee, died in 1659, two years after his birth; Soyera Bye was the mother of Raja Ram, and being an artful woman, not only had great influence with her husband;

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but a considerable ascendancy over several of the principal ministers, especially Annajee Dutto, the Punt Suchew. Sivajee, during the last days of his life, had expressed to Moro Punt, Annajee Dutto, and others, that in the event of his death, much evil was to be apprehended from the misconduct of Sumbhajee; and these words were interpreted by Soyera Bye and her faction, as a will in favour of Raja Ram, then a boy of ten years old. Moro Trimmul Peishwa, although Annajee Dutto had always been his rival, was at first drawn into a plan of administering the government under a regency in the name of Raja Ram. The other Purdhans likewise acquiesced in the arrangement, and measures were immediately taken to carry it into effect.

Sivajee’s death was to be kept a profound secret until Sumbhajee’s confinement should be rendered perfectly secure. The funeral obsequies were performed privately by Shahjee Bhonslay, a relation of the family. A force under Jenardin Punt Somunt, whom we have seen so active in the Carnatic, was directed to march to Panalla; the garrison of Raigurh was strengthened; ten thousand horse were stationed at the neighbouring village of Panchwur; and Humbeer Rao, the Senaputtee, was ordered with a large army to take up a position at Kurar. As some time was necessary for any of these movements, letters were dispatched to Heerajee Furzund, in charge of Sumbhajee at Panalla, to apprise him of what was going forward. But Sumbhajee had either been informed of the event, or suspected his father’s death, for on the appearance

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of the messenger with the letters, he seized and threatened him with instant death if he did not give up the packet. Its delivery discovered the whole. Heerajee Furzund fled into the Concan; Sumbhajee took command of the fort, and was obeyed by the garrison; but he immediately put two of the principal officers to death. Not knowing whom to trust beyond the walls of the fort, he made preparations for defending it, and resolved to await events. Jenardin Punt, finding the place in Sumbhajee’s possession, sat down to blockade it, and after some weeks was content to leave his guards at their posts, whilst he took up his abode in the town of Kolapoor.

Raja Ram was placed on the throne in May, and the ministers began the conduct of affairs in his name; but as latent rivalry is easily excited, the Peishwa and the Suchew soon became jealous of each other.

Sumbhajee, in the mean time, having gained over a part of Jenardin Punt’s troops, took a chosen band of his Mawulee garrison, proceeded through the Punt’s lines in the night, seized him in the town of Kolapoor, and carried him back to Panalla a prisoner. Humbeer Rao Mohitey, delighted by this exploit, so worthy of the son of Sivajee, became immediately inclined to Sumbhajee’s cause; and Moro Punt, who had set out from Raigurh, on the news of Jenardin Punt’s disaster, instead of exerting himself for the cabal, offered his services to Sumbhajee, by whom he was confirmed as Peishwa, but never succeeded in gaining his confidence. Humbeer Rao advanced and paid

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his respects, when Sumbhajee immediately quitted Panalla, and proceeded towards Raigurh. Before his arrival the garrison had risen in his favour, and confined such as would have opposed his authority. The army at Panchwur came over to him in a body, and Sumbhajee entered Raigurh in the end of June, 1680.

Footnotes

301. Mahratta MSS.

302. Mahratta MSS.

303. One of the Mahratta MS. contains a curious dissertation tending to prove Golcondah the natural ally, and Beejapoor and the Moghuls, the natural enemies of Sivajee.

304. Mahratta MSS. Beejapoor MS.

305. Beejapoor MSS.

306. Called by the Mahrattas Sree Sheyl Mullik Arjoon.

307. Mahratta MSS.

308. Colonel Wilkes The Mahratta manuscripts call the pass Winkutrumunguree, but I conclude it is the same.

309. Wilks.

310. I here follow my own MSS. although Colonel Wilks has adopted a different account.

311. In the Beejapoor MSS. of Abou Hoossein Qazee, it is asserted that Abdoollah Khan, the governor, gave it up for a bribe of 50,000 pagodas.

312. Called in the Mahratta MSS. Jugdeogurh and Maharajgurh.

313. Scott’s Deccan.

314. He obtained his wealth by the favor of Einayat Oolla, a rich man, and Jagheerdar of Adonee, who made him his heir.

315. Beejapoor MS.

316. Beejapoor MSS.

317. The original of this and other three letters written by Sivajee to Venkajee, are in possession of the hereditary Chitnees, or Secretary, of his Highness the Raja of Satara. They were recovered by the grandfather of the present Chitnees, from a descendant of Rugonath Narrain Hunwuntay. I have had them examined, and I have compared them with the handwriting of Ballajee Aujee, Sivajee’s Chitnees, and have every reason to believe them authentic.

318. The tract between the Kistna and the Toongbuddra is here meant.

319. Original letter from Sivajee to Venkajee.

320. All these affairs have been patiently and minutely detailed by Mr. Orme, and are interesting, because connected with the early history of one of our Indian Presidencies. Bombay was frequently involved in the broils of its neighbours, and sometimes exposed to the insolence of both parties.

321. Beejapoor MSS. and Scott’s Deccan.

322. Beejapoor MSS.

323. Sivajee’s death is said to have happened in consequence. Khafee Khan, who has adopted the story, is seldom so injudicious.

324. Mahratta MSS.

325. This part of the account is confirmed by Sivajee’s letters to his brother, where he says, “it was a time proper to disregard life.”

326. Jasoos literally means, and is, professionally, a spy, but they are employed in all Deccan armies as guides, messengers, and letter carriers.

327. Mahratta MSS. Sivajee himself takes no notice of this flight, but, by the mere name of Wisramgurh, or the place of rest, which he then gave the fort, there is circumstantial evidence of his having been hard pressed, when repose was so necessary.

328. Original letter from Sivajee, who quotes the words of Musaood Khan.

329. Mahratta MSS.

330. Scott’s Deccan.

331. Kistnajee Anund Subhasud.

332. As the letter alluded to, is neither very long nor prolix, which precludes the insertion of the others, a translation is subjoined as nearly literal as can be understood.

“Sivajee to Venkajee.”

After compliments. “Many days have elapsed without my receiving any letter from you; and in consequence, I am not in comfort. Ragoo Punt has now written, that you, having placed melancholy and gloom before yourself, do not take care of your person, or in any way attend to yourself as formerly; nor do you keep up any great days or religious festivals. Your troops are inactive, and you have no mind to employ yourself on state affairs. You have become a Byragee, and think of nothing but to sit in some place accounted holy, and let time wear away. In this manner, much has been written to me, and such an account of you has given me great concern. I am surprized, when I reflect, that you have our father’s example before you how did he encounter and surmount all difficulties, perform great actions, escape all dangers by his spirit and resolution, and acquire a renown which he maintained to the last? – All he did, is well known to you. You enjoyed his society, you had every opportunity of profiting by his wisdom and ability. Even I myself, as circumstances enabled me, have protected myself; and you also know, and have seen, how I have established a kingdom. Is it then for you, in the very midst of opportunity, to renounce all worldly affairs, and turn Byragee – to give up your affairs to persons who will devour your estate – to ruin your property, and injure your bodily health? What kind of wisdom is this, and what will it end in? I am to you as your head and protection; from me you have nothing to dread. Give up therefore all this, and do not become a Byragee. Throw off despondency, spend your days properly; attend to fasts, feasts, and customary usages, and attend to your personal comforts. Look to the employment of your people, the discipline of your army, and turn your attention to affairs of moment. Make your men do their duty; apply their services properly in your quarter, and gain fame and renown. What a comfort and happiness it will be to me to hear the praise and fame of my younger brother. Rugonath Pundit is near you, he is no stranger to you, consult him on what is most adviseable to be done, and he will consider you in the same light as myself. I have placed every confidence in him – do you the same; hold together for your mutual support, and you will acquire celebrity and fame. Above all things be not slothful; do not allow opportunity to slip past without receiving some returns from your army. This is the time for performing great actions. Old age is the season for turning Byragee. Arouse! bestir yourself. Let me see what you can do. Why should I write more, you are wise.”

333. Mahratta MSS., and tradition among his descendants, and the descendants of his ministers and domestics. In the Ali Namu, Nusserut satirizes the big feet and, long arms of the Mahrattas. There is no likeness of Sivajee preserved ether at Kolapoor or Satara; and none of the Europeans who saw him, have recorded any description of his person. His body was burnt at Raigurh, where there was a tomb erected over the collected ashes. There is a building in the fort of Malwan, which is considered as his cenotaph. The origin of this building, however, is as old as the fort when first erected by Sivajee, who placed Poojarees or persons to observe certain forms of worship, during which, “the sea should not encroach on the walls, nor should an enemy prevail.” Sumbhajee made some additions to this establishment; and Raja Ram, after the fall of Raigurh made it the cenotaph, or rather the place of commemoration of Sivajee. The Bramins in charge, still enjoy the advantages of the original endowment, and have made several additions, with a view of imposing on the credulity of the vulgar, who repair with offerings to the shrine. They have an effigy, and the real sword of Sivajee, whose body, by their account, lies buried there.

334. Sivajee’s sword is an excellent Genoa blade of the first water. Its whole history is recorded by the hereditary historian of the family.

335. Given by one of the Ghatgays, to his father Shahjee.

336. Sivajee’s treasury, besides rupees, contained as might have been expected, coins of all descriptions; Spanish dollars, Venetian sequins, gold mohurs of Hindoostan and Surat, and pagodas of the Carnatic, are all enumerated in the lists, with many others. Ingots of gold and silver, cloth of gold, &c. &c. &c.

This collection transcribed by Chris Gage
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