The final reduction and settlement of the Peishwa’s territory – Capture of the principal forts by General Pritzler – The Raja of Satara placed on his throne – Successes of General Munro – attack and dispersion of the remaining infantry at Sholapoor – Reduction of the Concan accomplished by the Bombay government – Appointment of officers to the civil government of the country – instructions – procedure – The capture of Mallygaom and Prucheetgurh completes the reduction of the Peishwa’s territory – mode of preventing insurrection – of settling the Bheels – detection of a conspiracy – Claims – the Nizam – Jagheerdars – Judicial and revenue administration – Punchayets – rewards – charitable donations – Hindoo college – Remarks on the settlement
In the preceding chapter we were drawn forward to mention the last event of the war, whilst the reduction and settlement of the Peishwa’s territory remains to be briefly explained. By the 10th of April, the strong forts of Singurh, Poorundhur and Wassota, with many others, had been taken by the besieging force, under General Pritzler. Though places of that remarkable strength, which has been already described, none of them made a good defence, none stood the assault, and as their previous history was scarcely known, their capture excited less interest, even among the besiegers, than it otherwise was calculated to produce. An exception must be
made in regard to Wassota; the wild country through which the troops advanced for about twenty miles, far exceeded in sublimity and grandeur any pre-conceived ideas the British officers might have formed of those vast mountains, dells, and forests, which they were told existed in the Ghaut-Mahta. The necessary artillery was transported with extraordinary labour, through thick jungles and deep vallies, where natural barriers presented themselves in every succeeding hill, at which a handful of men might have arrested a host; and when at last brought to the point of bombardment, intense interest was excited for the two officers, Cornets Hunter and Morrison, who, the reader may recollect, were taken prisoners at the commencement of the war, and were now in confinement in this fortress. The wives and families of the Raja of Satara and his brothers, were also in Wassota, and these princes were present in the British camp. The obstinacy of the Killidar, who at first would listen to no terms of surrender, was, in this instance, a cause of general regret.
At length the mortars opened; and though the peal of every salvo as it reverberated from the surrounding rocks, carried with it an anxiety for the fate of the prisoners, the bombardment was kept up for about twenty hours, with such effect, that the Killidar capitulated, and fortunately none of the captives suffered. The two British officers were found in a dress of coarse unbleached cotton, made into a form neither European nor Indian, but partaking of the nature of both; their beards had grown, and their appearance was, as may be
imagined, extraordinary; but their health was perfectly good. They had been kept in ignorance of the advance of their countrymen, or the state of the war; the firing, in driving in the outposts, was represented by their guard as the attack of some insurgents in the neighbourhood; the bursting of the shells over their heads was the first intimation of approaching deliverance, and the most joyful sound that had reached their ears for five dreary months. They had been at first used very harshly in the fort of Kangooree; but they were removed to Wassota by Gokla’s orders, and a letter, in his own hand-writing to the Killidar, desiring him to treat the two poor Europeans well, was one of several instances of a like generous character, tending to prove, that Gokla had no participation in the cruelties of his master; and at that moment excited some feeling of pity for his fate. On most occasions, the captive officers had been humanely treated by the native soldiery; and they met with some remarkable acts of disinterested kindness and sympathy.
Shortly after the reduction of Wassota, the Raja of Satara was, with great pomp, seated on his throne by the commissioner, when he published two proclamations, the one, announcing his connexion with the British government, the other making over entire powers for the arrangement and government of his country to the author of this work, who was the agent selected by Mr. Elphinstone for that purpose. In the first proclamation, the Raja dwelt on the injuries received from Bajee Rao; amongst these, was an order, the existence of
which was confirmed by the Killidar of Wassota, to put the whole family to death, rather than suffer them to fall into the hands of the British government. The Raja Pertab Siew (or Sing) was in his 27th year, naturally intelligent, and well disposed; but bred amongst intrigues, surrounded by men of profligate character, and, ignorant of everything except the etiquette and parade of a court. His whole family entertained the most extravagant ideas of their own consequence, and their expectations were proportionate, so that, for a time, the bounty which they experienced was not duly appreciated.
As it was inconvenient to reduce the whole of that strong country at this period, a battalion of Sepoys and five hundred auxiliary horse were left for the protection of the Raja, and the defence of the fort.
After these arrangements, a part of the besieging division was detached to assist in the capture of the forts to the northward of Poona, and General Pritzler proceeded to the Carnatic, to place himself under the orders of General Munro. That gallant officer, with a mere handful of men, had taken a number of very strong forts, amongst others, Badamee, which he carried by assault. Having added to his limited means, by raising a great body of irregulars, he had already possessed himself of the country in that quarter. On being reinforced, he immediately marched to the northward, against the remainder of Bajee Rao’s infantry, which, in number about four thousand five hundred, with thirteen guns, were levying contributions, under Gunput Rao
Phansay, in the Nizam’s districts, near Beejapoor. On hearing of General Munro’s approach, they retreated under the walls of the strong fort of Sholapoor, where they were followed up, attacked, routed, and pursued with great slaughter. The pettah of Sholapoor had been previously carried by escalade; and the fort, after a short siege, surrendered. As General Munro advanced from the Carnatic, he sent his irregulars to the right and left of his column of march, who occupied the villages, fought with spirit on several occasions, stormed fortified places, and took possession in name of “Thomas Munro Buhadur.”
The Bombay government having conquered the Concan, by its own exertions, Mr. Elphinstone did not interfere in its settlement, especially as few of the difficulties to be apprehended above the Ghauts, existed in the low country. Mr. Pelly and Mr. Marriott were appointed to the charge of the civil duties; the former in the southern, the latter in the northern Concan, or to the territory south and north of the river Penn. Raigurh, famous as the capital of Sivajee, and a place as impregnable as Gibraltar, surrendered to Colonel Prother on the 7th May: it contained the Peishwa’s elder wife, Waranussee Bye; a fortunate shell having set fire to her habitation and destroyed it, she prevailed on the Arab Killidar to capitulate. Waranussee Bye was allowed to retire to Waee, near Satara, where she resided for nine or ten months until it was discovered that her being there facilitated Bajee Rao’s persevering intrigues, when with a suitable escort she was despatched to join her husband, at Beithoor.
In regard to the settlement above the Ghauts, General Munro, as we have seen, took possession of the Carnatic, which he subsequently made over to Mr. Chaplin, an experienced civil servant of the Madras establishment, who was appointed, under Mr. Elphinstone, principal collector of the Mahratta country south of the Kistna, and political agent with the Raja of Kolapoor and the southern Jagheerdars.
To the management of the provinces extending from the Kistna to the Nerbuddah, Mr. Elphinstone, at different periods, during the progress of the conquest, appointed four subordinate agents. The territory reserved for the Raja of Satara was the tract between the Warna and the Neera, extending from the base of the Syhadree mountains on the west to Punderpoor on the east, or nearly to the Nizam’s boundary. Until reduced, and some progress made in its settlement, the Satara country was managed entirely as a British province. Captain Henry Dundas Robertson had charge of the city and district of Poona, of which he was collector of the revenue, judge, and magistrate. His district lay between the Neera and Beema. From the Beema to the Chandore hills was intrusted to Captain Henry Pottinger, with the same authority as was delegated to Captain Robertson; and Captain John Briggs, in the province of Candeish, in addition to the duties of those officers, was agent for effecting a settlement with the Bheels.
With each of those officers, whose authority nearly resembled that of the great Sur-Soobehdars under the Peishwa’s government, experienced natives
were appointed to conduct the numerous subordinate situations, with permanent salaries, on a scale of liberality which rendered their offices both in regard to power and emolument exceedingly respectable.
To get possession of the country; to prevent the revenue of the current year, or the treasures of the Peishwa from being made applicable to purposes of hostility; to protect and conciliate the inhabitants; to attempt no innovations, and to endeavour to show the people that they were to expect no change but the better administration of their own laws, were the primary objects to which the commissioner directed the attention of his agents. As the country was drained of British troops, the greater part of which had proceeded in pursuit of the flying Peishwa, the means of those agents were, at first, limited; but by raising irregulars, taking such places as they could reduce, destroying or executing straggling plunderers, especially when they were found torturing or murdering the villagers, opening negotiations with the Killidars of the stronger forts, and representing the hopelessness of resistance, the country with the assistance of such regulars as could be spared, fell almost as fast as men could be collected to keep possession. It not unfrequently happened that irregulars who had left Bajee Rao’s service a few days or hours before, entered that of the British government; and instances are adducible, where, having quitted the Peishwa, they were enlisted, subsisted, supplied with ammunition, and fighting for the new government, within little more than
twenty-four hours; so readily do the irregular troops of India transfer their allegiance to the prevailing power. To these men the new conquests were frequently of necessity intrusted, and they proved in no instance treacherous or disobedient.
By the month of May a small detachment of regulars from Poona, under Major Eldridge, had obtained possession of the numerous hill-forts between that city and the Ahmednugur hills, some of which are as strong as any in the world. The defences are entirely composed of solid rock, in which caves are hewn that render the garrison safe from the effect of shells, and a very few resolute men could maintain an assault against any numbers.
Another small detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel McDowell was equally successful in reducing the forts in the Chandore range; and by the end of May the Arabs in Candeish, and the insurgents under the pretended Chitoor Sing in the Satara territory, were the only opponents of the British government, within the dominions of the late Peishwa.
On the 13th June the Arab garrison of the strong fort of Mallygaom surrendered to Colonel McDowell, after a very obstinate defence; during which they repulsed an assault and occasioned a loss to the besiegers of upwards of two hundred men in killed and wounded. In the opposite quarter of the country, and on the ensuing day, the fort of Prucheetgurh and the pretended Chitoor Sing were taken by a detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Cunningham187. These events,
except a few detached expeditions in the ensuing season, and the siege of Aseergurh already mentioned, put an end to military operations in the Mahratta territory.
The progress of the settlement went forward as rapidly as the conquest. After the first instructions were in train, the next object was to obtain full information respecting individuals, that their claims to consideration might be fully understood. Inquiries were also circulated by the commissioner to his agents and by them to their subordinate agents, on the usages and laws of the country, in which all the intelligent part of the community were called upon for their opinions. A mass of valuable information was thus speedily collected, and from the judicious nature of the queries, so far from alarming the inhabitants, an inconvenience to, which such interrogatories are particularly liable in India, these, on
the contrary, being committed to men who knew the natives, tended to gain their confidence, and were in this respect useful to the new government. To keep down insurrection; to settle claims and rewards consequent upon such a revolution; to make some provision for all who suffered, and to better the condition of those whom the voice of the community pointed out as fit objects of bounty, were a part of the duties which devolved upon the commissioner.
In regard to insurrection, vigilance was enjoined and strictly maintained by a system of private intelligence which the Mahrattas consider necessary to good government, and which the state of the country as well as the usage of the people rendered necessary; armed men travelling without passports were required to deposit their weapons; and the hoarded resources of the late government were seized wherever found; but as it was not intended to disarm the Mahrattas, still less to create a vexatious search, which might in the slightest degree interfere with private property, or even to exact from inoffensive individuals all that they were known to possess belonging to Bajee Rao, great relaxation, in these respects, soon took place. After the first year, no passport was required from any body of armed men, not exceeding twenty-five, and no search for treasure was authorized without previously obtaining satisfactory testimony in regard to the information concerning it. A strong military force occupied positions at Belgaom, Kuladgee, Kurar, Satara, Sholapoor, Poona, Seroor, Joonere, Ahmednugur and Mallygaom; and
numbers of the enemy’s irregular infantry were employed in the British service. The ranks of the auxiliary horse were already filled by men enlisted beyond the borders of the Mahratta country, but more than half the horses which returned from Bajee Rao’s army died in the course of six months from the fatigue they had undergone.
The Bheels in the mountains adjoining Candeish, continued to disturb the country for some time after the new government was established. The plan adopted for settling them was to appropriate waste lands for such as chose to cultivate them; and to grant to every chief an allowance for a certain number of men, for which they became bound to restrain the excesses of the rest. To force them to accept of these terms, their supplies which were drawn from the plains were stopped, parties issuing out to plunder were cut off, and vigorous attacks were made on the points in the hills occupied by the refractory chiefs. These measures at length reduced them to submission, but it must be the work of many years to reform their habits.
There were few attempts at insurrection; one conspiracy was detected, which had for its object the release of the pretended Chitoor Sing, the murder of all the Europeans at Poona and Satara, the surprise of some of the principal forts, and the possession of the person of the Raja of Satara. The persons concerned were men of desperate fortunes among the unemployed soldiery; many of them were apprehended and tried; and the ringleaders, some of whom were Bramins, were blown from guns; an example which, though severe, had a great effect in restraining that intriguing
race, and preventing similar attempts in the country.
As to claims, the most important upon the British government were those which regarded the settlement with its ally the Nizam; but no arrangement of their mutual affairs could be made, until it had been fully ascertained what surplus revenue the British government should derive from the conquest. The advantages immediately gained by the Nizam were exemption from debts amounting to about sixty millions of rupees; and which on the most moderate estimate, he could not have settled with the Peishwa without making a cession of territory equal to ten lacks of rupees a-year. The shares of revenue, within the boundary of the Soobehdar of the Deccan, which the Peishwa or his subjects had enjoyed up to the breaking out of the war, and of which the Nizam now retained the collections, were more than equal to twelve lacks of rupees a-year, and the cessions which fell to him fiom the governments of Holkar and the Raja of Nagpoor, amounted to nearly six more; so that the Nizam obtained an addition of at least twenty-eight lacks of rupees of annual revenue.
Though the British government gained much by additional strength and security, it was doubtful how far its income was benefited by the conquest. The provision for the Raja of Satara was completed by a treaty dated 25th September 1819, by which he agreed to hold his territory in subordinate cooperation to the British government; neither to increase nor diminish his military force without its sanction; and as a fundamental condition, he was
positively prohibited from holding any intercourse with persons not his own subjects, except through the resident at his court. The Company charged itself with the defence of his territory, which, for a time, was to be governed under an agent of that government, until the Raja and his people were made acquainted with business188.
Next to the provision for the Raja of Satara was a reward to the Raja of Kolapoor; who, on the first declaration of hostilities, espoused the British cause. The much desired districts of Chickooree and Menowlee, with the history of which the reader is already acquainted, were therefore restored to him; a recompense equal to his highest expectation.
The next claims were those of the Jagheerdars; but it may be first proper to mention, that every species of hereditary right not Jagheer, all other rent-free lands, all established pensions, charitable and religious assignments and endowments
were restored; and that every promise held out by the proclamation of Satara, was fulfilled without reserve or modification, excepting with respect to the Dukshina which will be subsequently explained. In regard to Jagheers, there were various points for consideration. In the first instance, unless specially exempted, every Jagheer was taken possession of, like the territory in the immediate occupation of the Peishwa’s agents; and all Jagheers falling within the Nizam’s boundary, were declared to be irrecoverably lost to their late owners. Jagheers also, which had been sequestrated by the former government, were not restored. Certain Jagheerdars, whom we shall designate of the first class, were the old Mankurees or native chiefs of the country, whom the reader has it in his power to trace from the earliest history of Maharashtra; such as, the Nimbalkurs of Phultun, the Duflays of Jhutt; the Ghorepurays of Moodhole, &c. &c. Others, in the second class, were the old aristocracy of Sivajee and his descendants, such as the Purdhans, the Pritee Needhee, Angria, and the Raja of Akulkote. A third class was that which was raised by the Peishwas; some of whom had established claims by their early submission or former services to the British government; but even of those dependants of the Peishwa, who had adhered to him to the last, it was, as remarked, “politic and humane to allow them a liberal maintenance, but it was neither required by humanity nor policy, to give such persons the command of troops, paid from the
revenue which had fallen into the hands of their conquerors189.”
The various claims of each of these classes being considered, the first, or old hereditary Jagheerdars, had the whole of their lands restored. Of-the second class, the Punt Suchew was the only one of the Purdhans to whom the Peishwa had left a vestige of power: he was one of the first who joined the British cause after the proclamation of Satara, and his territory, valued at three lacks of rupees, of annual revenue, and which includes the spot where Sivajee first established himself, was immediately placed in his own hands. The Pritee Needhee took the first opportunity of escaping from the Peishwa’s camp, and the lands, held in his name, which were assigned for his maintenance, but never committed to his own management, were given up. The Raja of Akulkote was one of those Jagheerdars who, from the first, would have resisted Bajee Rao’s authority, had he not been overawed by the subsidiary force; he joined in the war with reluctance, quitted the Peishwa early, and his Jagheer was immediately relinquished. Of the third class of the Jagheerdars, the Putwurdhuns were the most conspicuous; Gunput Rao Putwurdhun of Tasgaom, one of the surviving sons of Pureshram Bhow, never joined the Peishwa, and took an early opportunity, before the Satara proclamation, of assuring Mr. Elphinstone of his determination not to do so; – his lands were confirmed to him. The other members of this powerful family left Bajee Rao about the end of February:
a like favourable consideration was shown to them. Appa Dessaye Nepankur did not join the Peishwa till late; he never acted with vigour against the British troops, and, on one occasion, behaved remarkably well to some prisoners. He, as well as the Putwurdhuns and Rastia, maintained a communication with Mr. Elphinstone throughout the war; but as he did not quit the Peishwa’s standard until a late period, he lost a part of his Jagheer by the restoration of Chickooree and Menowlee to Kolapoor; and he likewise lost considerably, by revenues within the territory of the Nizam; but for these last he was at a subsequent period partly compensated, and the rest of his Jagheer was restored. Mahdoo Rao Rastia had less reason than any other Jagheerdar for those ideas of honour which induced many of them to adhere to the falling fortunes of him whom they considered the chief of the Hindoos. He quitted Bajee Rao after the affair of Sewnee, and thus lost the claim of fidelity to the Peishwa, or of gratitude to the British government. All Jagheers granted under the Mahratta governments, are for personal support, or the maintenance of troops; and each chief has a certain portion of his Jagheer allotted for the former purpose. To such persons as had forfeited all claim, like Rastia, and even to those who rather feared persecution than expected favour, their personal estates were, in every instance, restored. The Pritee Needhee, the Punt Suchew, the Raja of Akulkote, the Duflays, and the Nimbalkurs, were, at their own request, placed under the Raja’s government, and their lands guaranteed
to them. To all the great Jagheerdars, the same powers were permitted, within their own territory, as had always existed; and even towards those chiefs who had lost their lands, great delicacy, and as little interference as possible, were enjoined. The equitable and enlightened law, which levels all distinctions, would have been intolerable to men’s minds in the existing state of the Mahratta country, and would have been as little relished by the lower as by the higher classes of society.
The Punchayet was the ordinary tribunal for the decision of civil suits, and it is that which gives, and, if judiciously administered, probably always will give, more satisfaction, and be, in their own opinion, of greater benefit to the natives of Maharashtra, than any other mode of trial. The English officers of government, who had been accustomed to the courts of Udalut, could not reconcile themselves to the corruption, delay, and apparent injustice of some of their decisions; but in commenting on the evils of the Mahratta system, it is to be feared they forgot the many defects of their own. Although Punchayets are continued under the provisional government which is still maintained in the conquered territory, it is to be apprehended they can neither exist, nor have a fair trial, where, whilst some are prejudiced, others, overwhelmed by business of various kinds, are discouraged by the difficulties they find in the system; and a few, (though I do believe such selfishness, in the present state of feeling, to be rare) considering it at variance with the interests of the civil service, only strive to
discover objections, which in some shape may be found to every form of administration, but which time and vigilance would, in this instance, in a great measure remove. On the temper, zeal, and perseverance of the government officers, much must depend: Punchayets, where neglected or merely tolerated, cannot prosper; they require a pure and steady superintendence, with all the weight of authority to correct and amend the faults of the people which are confounded with the defects of the system. A very active able agency would at first be necessary, after a plan of reform had been digested; but once instituted, carefully watched and encouraged at the outset, and carried on for a time, much less interference would become requisite on the part of government, and not only would the natives be called upon to administer justice in the form most popular among them, but, leaving advantages to policy out of the question, the Punchayet might be made a powerful instrument for improving the minds and amending the morals of the natives of India. At present, even in the Mahratta country, those who have a suit will frequently solicit the decision of an English judge; but the same persons, if intelligent men, when exempt from the impulse which influences their opinions under such circumstances, will invariably declare, that the Punchayet, in civil cases, is far better suited to the country at large, than any mode of decision by individuals.
The criminal law, in the conquered territory, was administered as it usually had been, by the decision of individual judges, assisted by Hindoo authority
in regulating the measure of punishment; but the evidence and sentences, in all important cases, were subject to the approval of the commissioner before being carried into execution. Punchayets, in criminal cases, had been known in the Satara country, constituted of the servants of government. The same mode was revived in that territory, but Punchayets in criminal cases, might be chosen from the body of the people, although the advantages of a trial by jury would not be at first appreciated, and would require to be introduced by persons thoroughly acquainted with the natives.
The revenue system, of settling with the people through the agents of government, instead of renting the districts, was the means of abolishing many grievances; but in the Peishwa’s country, especially in the villages, where a portion of the inhabitants were composed of the soldiery, there was not so much oppression as might have been expected.
The mode of settlement for the Jagheerdars has led to a brief notice of the revenue and judicial system, and in regard to the latter, has called forth reflections which have been seldom intruded on the reader in the plain narrative now about to be concluded.
Mr. Elphinstone took charge of the government of Bombay on the 1st November, 1819, and Mr. Chaplin succeeded him as commissioner for the conquered territory; but liberal pensions in land or money were previously granted to those adherents of the British government whose services, during the revolution, had merited such
rewards. The ministers of the late government, wholly unprovided for, and those of the times of Nana Furnuwees, who were pining in want, had also pecuniary assignments for their maintenance during life. Chiefs, not Jagheerdars, who were reduced to absolute indigence, had also a provision according to circumstances.
The Dukshina, as the reader may remember, was a charitable institution, originally established by Dhabary Senaputtee, and perpetuated by the first Bajee Rao and his successors. The great Mahdoo Rao confined the donations principally to poor Bramins, whose proficiency in science and mythology entitled them to distinction; and the rewards were conferred in proportion to their acquirements, moral conduct, and sanctity. During the reign of the second Bajee Rao, though a portion was always reserved as the reward of learning, it degenerated into an indiscriminate distribution, dictated by the superstitious idea of feeding and bestowing on Bramins, as an atonement for sin. Many poor Bramins, however, had become greatly dependant on this charity, and therefore to have stopped it at once, would have been inconsistent with the humane munificence which pervaded every act of the British government in the conquered territory; but to have continued that promiscuous alms to all Bramins, who chose to collect at Poona for the purpose, would have been a wasteful, and in many respects, a useless and pernicious expenditure. It was at first, therefore, bestowed under certain limitations; the portion assigned to men of learning was duly distributed; and, that the benefit
to the country might be rendered more essentially important, as the donations at the Dukshina were circumscribed, a Hindoo college was instituted at Poona, where the minds of the youth might acquire such instruction in their own way, as they are disposed to receive in mathematics, astronomy, medicine, &c.; and pains were taken to erase from their elementary books of ethics such principles of morality as have a dangerous or a doubtful tendency. Though the institution of the college, which was committed to Mr. Chaplin, was at first regarded with some signs of distrust, before the end of 18522, there were one hundred and forty-three Bramins, students or candidates for admission, even before fit teachers for all the branches had been found.
The saving to the British government, from the revenues of the Peishwa’s territory, after all these arrangements were completed, became very inconsiderable; but by lapses of lives of the pensioners, effectual protection to the country, fortunate seasons, and progressive improvement of agriculture, the revenue in three years increased upwards of seventeen lacks of rupees.
Thus was completed, under the direction of the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone, this important change in the government of the Mahratta country. The liberality of the settlement authorized by the Marquis of Hastings far exceeded the expectations of the people, and more was in consequence done for the tranquillity of the Deccan in eighteen months, than had ever followed a revolution in that disturbed country, after a period
of many years. The name of Elphinstone was deservedly associated with the acts of the British government, and the memory of benefits conferred by him on the inhabitants of Maharashtra will probably survive future revolutions; and will do much, in the mean time, to preserve the existence of British India190.
187. Prucheetgurh, in a most inaccessible situation, was taken by an enterprise, successful from its apparent impracticability.
The fort was commanded by an adjoining hill, from which a brisk fire soon drove the besieged from the gate, to seek shelter behind some stone houses in the fort; upon which Captain Spiller suggested the possibility of blowing a hole in the gate with musquetry. This strange breach was effected under a heavy fire from his companions, which prevented the besieged from suspecting what was going forward at the gate. Captain Spiller went in first, but a grenadier Sepoy who attempted to follow, could not get through owing to his cartridge box; Captain Spiller was therefore obliged to return until he had made the entrance sufficiently large, by which time he was joined by Col. Cunningham, and Assistant-Surgeon Radford, when they got in, one by one, concealing themselves in the gateway until their party had entered. They then rushed upon the garrison, completely surprised them, and carried the place without the loss of a man.
188. The plan followed in the Raja’s country, was simply to amend the native system, and to place the routine of business in that train, which it was possible might be preserved after the interference of the British government was withdrawn.. The Raja himself was taught to expect power according to his ability to exercise it, and in a short time laboured as assiduously as any carcoon under his government. The entire powers of the state were formally delivered over to him on the 5th April, 1822, at which period, the boon thus conferred by the British nation on the descendant of Sivajee was certainly appreciated by the country generally, as well as by his relations and himself; but time must prove whether this liberal experiment on the part of the authorities of the East India Company will be attended with any lasting good effect, to the governors or the governed.
189. Elphinstone’s despatches.
190. Authorities as in the preceding.
This collection transcribed by Chris Gage