Mirror for Magistrates.
EDITED BY
JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.
VOLUME II.
T. Bensley, Printer,
Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.
Mirror for Magistrates.
EDITED BY
JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.
VOLUME II.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.
Mirror for Magistrates,
IN FIVE PARTS.
VOLUME THE SECOND,
CONTAINING
PART III.
BY FERRERS, CAVYLL, CHALONER, PHAER, BALDWIN, SKELTON, DOLMAN, SACKVILLE, SEGAR, DINGLEY, CHURCHYARD, AND DRAYTON.
PARTS IV. AND V.
BY RICHARD NICCOLS.
COLLATED WITH
VARIOUS EDITIONS, AND HISTORICAL NOTES, &c.
By JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.
Volume II.
| PART III. | |
| The Author’s Preface. Baldwin. | Page 3 |
| To the reader. Baldwin. | 7 |
| To the reader, ed. 1610. Niccols | 11 |
| LEGENDS FROM THE CONQUEST. | |
| 53 The falle of Robert Tresilian Chiefe Iustice of England, and other his fellowes, for misconstruing the Lawes, and expounding them to serue the Prince’s affections. A. D. 1388. G. Ferrers. | 13 |
| 54 How the two Rogers surnamed Mortimers for their sundry vices ended their liues vnfortunately, the one An. 1329, the other 1387. Cavil. | 23 |
| 55 How Syr Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, vncle to King Richarde the seconde, was vnlawfully murdered. A. D. 1397. G. Ferrers. | 33 |
| 56 How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second to the state of a Duke, was by him banished the Realme, in 1398, and after died miserablie in exile. Sir Thomas Chaloner. | 44 |
| 57 How King Richard the second was for his euill gouernance deposed from his seat, 1399, and murdered in prison. G. Ferrers. | 56 |
| 58 How Owen Glendour seduced by false prophecies tooke vpon him to bee Prince of Wales, and was by Henry Prince of England chased to the mountaynes, where hee miserably died for lack of food. A. D. 1401. Thomas Phaer. | 65 |
| 59 How Henrie Percy Earle of Northumberland, was for his couetous and trayterous attempt put to death at Yorke. A. D. 1407. Attributed to Baldwin. | 78 |
| 60 How Richard Plantagenet Earle of Cambridge, intending the Kings destruction, was put to death at Southhampton. A. D. 1415. Attributed to Baldwin. | 86 |
| 61 How Thomas Montague Earle of Salisbury, in the middest of his glory was chaunceably slayne at Orleaunce with a piece of Ordinaunce. A. D. 1428. Attributed to Baldwine. | 90 |
| 62 Howe King Iames the first for breaking his othes and bondes was by God’s sufferaunce miserably murdered of his owne subiectes. A. D. 1437. Attributed to Baldwin. | 103 |
| 63 How Dame Eleanor Cobham Duchesse of Glocester, for practising of Witchcraft and sorcery suffred open penaunce, and after was banished the realme into the Ile of Man. Ferrers. | 112 |
| 64 How Humfrey Plantagenet Duke of Glocester, Protector of England, during the minority of his nephue King Henry the sixt, commonly called the good Duke, by practise of enemyes was brought to confusion. Ferrers. | 128 |
| 65 How Lord William de la Pole Duke of Suffolke, was worthely banished for abusing his King, and causing the destruction of the good Duke Humfrey. A. D. 1450. Baldwin. | 147 |
| 66 How Iacke Cade naming himselfe Mortimer, trayterously rebelling against his King, was for his treasons and cruell doinges worthily punished. A. D. 1450. Baldwin. | 157 |
| 67 The tragedye of Edmund Duke of Somerset, slayne in the first battayle at St. Albons, in the 32. yeare of Henry the sixt. A. D. 1454. Ferrers. | 168 |
| 68 Howe Richarde Plantagenet Duke of York, was slayn through his ouer rash boldnesse, and his sonne the Earle of Rutland for his lacke of valiaunce. A. D. 1460. | 184 |
| 69 How the Lorde Clyfford for his straunge and abhominable cruelty, came to as straunge and sodayn a death. A. D. 1461. Attributed to Baldwin. | 195 |
| 70 The infamovs end of Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, for cruelly executing his Prince’s butcherly commaundements. A. D. 1470. Attributed to Baldwin. | 201 |
| 71 How Sir Richard Neuill Earle of Warwicke, and his brother Iohn, Lord Marquise Montacute, through their too much boldnesse were slaine at Barnet. A. D. 1471. Attributed to Baldwin. | 210 |
| 72 How King Henry the sixte a vertuous Prince, was after many other miseries cruelly murdered in the Tower of London. A. D. 1471. Attributed to Baldwin. | 217 |
| 73 How George Plantagenet third sonne of the Duke of Yorke, was by his brother King Edward wrongfully imprisoned, and by his brother Richard miserably murdered. A. D. 1478. Attributed to Baldwin. | 226 |
| 74 How King Edward the fourth through his surfeting & vntemperate life, sodaynly dyed in the middest of his prosperity. A. D. 1483. Skelton. | 244 |
| 75 How Syr Anthony Wooduile Lord Riuers and Scales, Gouernour of Prince Edward, was with his nephue Lord Richard Gray and others causelesse imprisoned, and cruelly murthered. A. D. 1483. Attributed to Baldwin. | 249 |
| 76 How the Lord Hastings was betraied by trusting too much to his euill counsellour Catesby, and villanously murdered in the Tower of London by Richard Duke of Glocester. A. D. 1483. Dolman. | 275 |
| MAYSTER SACKUILLE’S INDUCTION. | 309 |
| 77 The complaynt of Henry Duke of Buckingham. Sackville. | 333 |
| 78 How Colingbourne was cruelly executed for making a foolish Rime. Attributed to Baldwin. | 366 |
| 79 How Richarde Plantagenet Duke of Glocester murdered his brother’s children, vsurping the crowne, and in the third yeare of his raigne was most worthely depriued of life and kingdome, in Bosworth plaine, by Henry Earle of Richmond after called King Henry the VII. A. D. 1485. Segar. | 381 |
| 80 The wilfvll fall of the Blackesmith, and the foolishe end of the Lorde Audley. A. D. 1496. Cavill. | 396 |
| 81 How the valiant Knight Sir Nicholas Burdet, Chiefe Butler of Normandy, was slayne at Pontoise. A. D. 1441. Higgins. | 418 |
| 82 The Lamentation of King Iames the fourth, King of Scots, slayne at Brampton in the fifthe yeare of King Henry the eight. A. D. 1513. | 442 |
| 83 The Bataile of Brampton, or Floddon fielde, faught in the yeare of our Redeemer 1513, and in the fifth yeare of the raygne of that victorious prince King Henry the eyght. Dingley. | 449 |
| 84 How Shore’s wife, King Edward the fourth’s Concubine, was by King Richard despoyled of her goods, and forced to doe open penaunce. Churchyard. | 461 |
| 85 How Thomas Wolsey did arise vnto great authority and gouernment, his maner of life, pompe and dignitie, & how hee fell downe into great disgrace, and was arested of high treason. Churchyard. | 484 |
| 86 How the Lord Cromwell exalted from meane estate, was after by the enuie of the Bishop of Winchester and other his complices brought to vntimely end. A. D. 1540. Drayton. | 502 |
| PART IV. | |
| (The remainder of the volume by Richard Niccols.) | |
| Dedicatory Sonnet to the Earl of Nottingham. | 543 |
| To the reader. | 544 |
| The Induction. | 546 |
| 87 The famovs life and death of King Arthur. | 553 |
| 88 The life and death of King Edmvnd svrnamed Ironside. | 583 |
| 89 The lamentable life and death of Prince Alfred brother to King Edmund Ironside. | 605 |
| 90 The treacherous life and infamovs death of Godwin Earle of Kent. | 622 |
| 91 The life and death of Robert svrnamed Curthose Duke of Normandie. | 639 |
| 92 The memorable life and death of King Richard the first, surnamed Cœur de Lion. | 673 |
| 93 The vnfortvnate life and death of King Iohn. | 699 |
| 94 The wofvll life and death of King Edward the second. | 726 |
| 95 The lamentable lives and deaths of the two yong Princes, Edward the fifth and his brother Richard Duke of York. | 766 |
| 96 The tragicall life and death of King Richard the third. | 785 |
| 97 The Poem annexed called England’s Eliza. | 813 |
| PART V. | |
| Dedicatory sonnet to Lady Elizabeth Clere. | 817 |
| Advertisement to the Reader. | 818 |
| The Induction. | 819 |
| 98 Englands Eliza, or the victoriovs and trivmphant reigne of that virgin Empresse of sacred memorie, Elizabeth Queene of England, France and Ireland &c. | 828 |
THE
Mirrour for Magistrates,
Wherein may be seene,
by
examples passed in this
Realme, with
how greeuous plagues vices are punished
in great Princes and Magistrates:
and how fraile and vnstable worldly
prosperity is found, where Fortune
seemeth most highly
to fauour.
Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.
PART III.
By WILLIAM BALDWIN,
and others.
[Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559,
1563, 1571, 1575, 1578, and 1610.]
[Pg 3]
To all the[1] nobilitie, and all other in office, god graunt wisedome and all thinges nedefull for the preseruation of their estates. Amen.
Plato among many of[2] his notable sentences concernyng the gouernement of a common weale hath this: Well is that realme gouerned, in which the ambitious desire not to beare office. Whereby you may perceiue (right honourable) what offices are, where they be duely executed: not gainfull spoyles for the gredy to hunt for, but painefull toyles for the heady[3] to bee charged with. You may perceiue also, by this sentence, there[4] is nothing more necessary in a common weale then that magistrates[5] be diligent and trusty in their charges.
And sure in whatsoeuer realme such prouision is made, that officers be forced to do their duties, there is it as hard a matter to get an officer, as it is in other places to repulse and shift of[6] those that with flattery, brybes, and other shiftes, sue and preace for offices. For the ambitious (that is to saye prollers for power or gayne) seeke not for offices to helpe other, for whych cause officers[7] are ordained: but with the vndoing of other, to enrich themselues.[8] And therfore bar them once of this bayt, and force them to do their dueties, then will they geue more[9] to be rid from their charges, than they did at the first to come by them.[10] For they seeke onely their priuate profite.[11] And therfore where the ambitious seeke no office, there[Pg 4] no doubt offices are duely ministred. And where offices are duely ministred, it cannot be chosen, but the people are good, whereof must nedes follow a good common weale. For if the magistrates[12] be good, the people cannot be ill. Thus the goodnes or badnes of any realme lieth in the goodnes or badnes of the rulers. And therfore not without great cause do the holy appostles so earnestly charg vs to pray for the magistrates: for in dede the wealth and quiet of euery common weale, the disorder also and miseries of the same, come specially thorough them. I neede not go eyther to the Romaines or Greekes for the profe hereof, neither yet to the Jewes, or other nations: whose common weales haue alway florished whyle their magistrates[13] were good, and decayed and ran to ruyne when vicious men had the gouernement.[14]
Our countrey[15] stories (if we reade and marke them) wil show vs examples enow, would God we had not sene mo than enow. I purpose not to stand herevpon the particulars, because they be in parte setforth in the tragedies folowing.[16] Yet by the waye, this I note (wishing all other to doe the like) namely, that as good gouernours haue neuer lacked their deserued praises,[17] so haue not the bad escaped infamy, besides such plagues as are horrible to heare of. For God (the ordeiner of offices)[18] although he suffer them for punishment of the people to be often occupied of such, as are rather spoilers and Judasses, than toilers or justices (whom the scriptures cal hypocrits)[19] yet suffereth he them not to scape vnpunished, because they dishonour him. For it is God’s own office, yea his chief office which they beare and abuse. For as justice is the chief vertue so is the ministration thereof, the chiefest office: and therfore hath God established it with the chiefest name, honouring and calling kinges and all officers vnder them by his owne name,[Pg 5] gods: ye be al gods, as many as haue in your charge any ministration of iustice. What a foule shame were it for any nowe to take vpon them the name and office of God, and in their doings to shew themselues deuils? God cannot of justice, but plague suche shamelesse presumption and hipocrisie, and that with shamful death, diseases, or infamye. Howe he hath plagued euil rulers from time to time, in other nations, you may see gathred in Bochas’ boke intituled: The fall of Princes, translated into English by Lydgate, (a monke of the abbey of Bury in Suff.)[20] How he hath delt with some of our countrymen, your auncestours, for sundry vices not yet left, this boke named A Mirrour for Magistrates, shall in parte plainlye set forth before your eyes which boke I humbly[21] offer vnto your honours, beseching you to accept it fauorably. For here, as in a mirror or loking glasse,[22] you shal se if any vice be found,[23] how the like hath ben punished in other heretofore, wherby admonished, I trust it will bee a good occasione to moue men to the[24] soner amendment. This is the chief end why this booke is[25] set forth, which God graunt it may talke according to the maner of the makers.[26] The worke was begon and part of it printed in quene Marie’s time, but staid by such as then were chief in office,[27] neuertheles, through the meanes of the right honorable Henry lord Stafford,[28] the first part was licenced, and imprinted the first yeare of the raign of this our most noble and vertuous queene, and dedicated to your honours with this preface. Since which time, although I wanted such help as before, yet the said good lord Stafford[29] hath[Pg 6] not ceased to cal vpon me to publish so much therof as I had gotten at other mens hands, so that through his lordship’s earnest meanes, I haue now also set forth another part, conteining as much as I could obtaine at the hands of my frends. Which[30] in the name of al the authours, I humbly dedicate vnto your honours, instantly wishing, that it may so like and delite your minds, that your chereful receiuing thereof, may encourage worthy wits to enterprise and perform the rest. Which as sone as I may procure, I entend through God’s leaue and your fauourable allowance, to publish with all expedicion. In[31] the meane whyle my lordes and gods, (for so I may cal you) I moste humbly besech your honours fauourably to accepte this rude worke,[32] and diligentlye to reade and consider it. And although you shal find in it, that some haue for their virtue bin enuied and brought vnto misery:[33] yet cease not you to be vertuous, but do your offices to the vttermost. Embrace vertue and suppresse the contrary, both in[34] your selues and other, so shall God, whose officers[35] you are, eyther so maintaine you that no malice shall preuaile, or if it do, it shall be for your good, and to your eternall glory both here and in heauen which I beseech God you may both seek[36] and attaine.
Amen.
Your’s most humble
W. B.[37]]
[Pg 7]
WILLIAM BALDWINE
TO THE READER.
When the printer had purposed with himselfe to print Lidgate’s translation of Bochas, of the fall[38] of princes, and had made priuy thereto[39] many both honorable and worshipfull: hee was counsayled by diuers of them to procure to haue the story continued from whereas Bochas left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as fortune hath dalyed with here[40] in this island: which might be as a mirour for men of all estates and degrees as well nobles as others, to beholde[41] the slipery deceiptes of the wauering lady, and the due rewarde of all kinde of vices. Which aduice liked him so well, that hee requyred mee to take paynes therein: but because it was a matter passing my witte and skill, and more thanklesse then gainefull to meddle in, I refused vtterly to vndertake it, except I might haue the helpe[42] of such as in witte were apt, in learning allowed, and in iudgement and estimation able to wielde and furnish so weighty an enterprise, thinking[43] so to shift my handes. But hee earnest and diligent in his affayres, procured Athlas to set vnder his[Pg 8] shoulder: for shortly after,[44] diuers learned men (whose many giftes neede fewe prayses) consented to take vpon them parte of the trauayle. And when certayne of them to the numbre of seauen,[45] were through a generall assent at one[46] apoynted time and place, gathered together to deuise thereupon I resorted vnto them, bearing with mee the booke of Bochas, translated by Dan Lidgate, for the better obseruation of his order: which although wee liked well[47] yet would it not conueniently[48] serue, seeing that both Bochas and Lidgate were deade, neyther were there any aliue that medled with like argument, to whome the vnfortunate might make theyr mone. To make therefore a state meete for the matter, they all agreede that I shoulde vsurpe Bochas’ rome, and the wretched princes complayne vnto mee: and tooke vpon themselues, euery man for his part to be sundry personages, and in theyr behalfes to bewaile vnto mee theyr greeuous chaunces, heauy destenies, and woefull misfortunes. This done, wee opened such bookes of chronicles as wee had there present, and Maister Ferrers (after he had founde where Bochas left, which was aboute the ende of king Edwarde the thirde’s raigne) to begin the matter, sayde thus:
“I maruaile what[49] Bochas meaneth to forget among his miserable princes, such as were of our owne[50] nation, whose number is as great as theyr aduentures wonderfull: for to let passe all, both Britaynes, Danes, and Saxons, and to come to the last conqueste, what a sorte are they, and some euen in his owne time,[51] [or not much before?[52]] As for example [William Rufus the second king of England[Pg 9] after the conquest, slayne in the newe forest (as hee was hunting there) by[53] Walter Tirell, with the shotte of an arrowe. Robert duke of Normandy, eldest sonne to William Conqueror, depriued of his inheritance of England, by the sayde William Rufus his second brother, and after by Henry[54] his yongest brother hauing both his eies put out, miserably[55] imprisoned in Cardiff castle, whereas hee dyed. Likewise[56] the most lamentable case of William, Richarde, and Mary, children of the sayde Henry, drowned vpon the sea.[57] And[58]] king Richarde the first slayne with a quarrell in his chiefe prosperity. Also king Iohn his brother (as some say) poysoned.[59] Are not theyr historyes rufull, and of rare ensample? But as it shoulde appeare, Bochas being an Italian, minded most the Romayne and Italike story, or els perhaps hee wanted the knowledge of ours.[60] It were therefore a goodly and notable[61] matter, to searche and discourse our whole story from the first beginning of the inhabiting of the isle. But seeing the printer’s mind is to haue vs followe[62] where Lidgate left, wee will leaue that greate laboure to other that maye entende it, and (as one being bold first to breake the yse)[63] I will begin at the time[64] of Richarde the second, a time as vnfortunate as the ruler therein.[65] And forasmuch (friend Baldwine) as it shalbe your charge to note and pen orderly the whole processe: I will so far as my memory and iudgement serueth,[Pg 10] somewhat further you in the trueth of the story. And therefore omitting the ruffle made by Iacke Strawe and his meiney,[66] with[67] the murder of many notable men which therby happened, (for Iacke as yee knowe was but a poore prince) I will begin with a notable example, which within a while after ensued. And although the person at whome I begin, was no king nor prince; yet[68] sithens hee had a princely office, I will take vpon mee the miserable person of sir Robert Tresilian chiefe iustice of England, and of other which suffered with him: therby to warne all of his autority and profession, to take heede of wrong iudgementes,[69] misconstruing of lawes, or wresting the same to serue the prince’s turnes, which rightfully brought them to a miserable ende, which they may iustly lament in maner ensuing.”][70]
[Pg 11]
[Before the edition 1610.]
Hauing hitherto continued the storie (gentle reader) from the first entrance of Brute into this iland, with the falles of such princes, as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in the method of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope of that most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile, which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the tragedie of the duke of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie president of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time in the great state affaires of his most royall ladie and soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine, M. Ferrers, and others, the composers of these tragedies, who continuing their methode which was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery tragedie, gaue it onely place before the duke of Buckingham’s complaint, which order I since hauing altered, haue placed the induction in the beginning,[71] with euery tragedie following, according to succession and the iust computation of time, which before was not obserued; and lest any one thinke me envious of other’s deserts, I haue subscribed the names of all such as I could heare of, vnder such tragedies as each one[Pg 12] particularlie hath written; which at the request of the printer, I haue briefely perused as the former. In which (friendly reader) if I haue done amisse, I craue pardon for my ouersight, hoping, if paines will in stead of penance pacifie thee, to yield thee satisfaction and content in my additions following, to which I refer thee.
R. N.
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G. F.[162][When maister Ferrers had finished his[163] tragedy,[164] which seemed not vnfit for the persons touched in the same: another, which in the meane time had stayed vpon sir Roger Mortimer, whose[165] miserable ende (as it shoulde appeare) was somwhat before the others, sayed as foloweth: “Although it be not greatly appertinent to our purpose,[166] yet in my iudgement I thinke it woulde doe well to obserue the times of men, and as they be more auncient, so to place them.[167] For I finde that before these, (of whome maister Ferrers here hath spoken) there were two Mortimers,[168] the one[169] in Edwarde[170] the iij. time, out of our date; an other slayne in Ireland in Richarde the seconde’s time,[171] a yeare before the falle of these iustices: whose history sith it is notable, and the example fruitefull, it were not good to ouerpasse it: and therefore by your licence and agreemente,[172] I will take vpon mee the personage of the laste, who full of woundes mangled,[173] with a pale countenaunce, and griezly looke, may make his mone to Baldwine, as foloweth.”[174]]
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Ca.[250][After this tragedy was[251] ended, maister Ferrers sayde: seeing it is best to place eche person in his order, Baldwine, take you the chronicles and marke them as they come: for there are many worthy to bee noted, though not treated[252] of. First the lord Murrey, a Scotishman, who tooke his death’s wound through a stroke lent him by the earle of Notyngham, whom hee chalenged at the tylt.[253] But to omit him, and also the fatte pryor of Tiptre, pressed to death with throng of people vpon London bridge at the queene’s entry,[254] I will come to the duke of Glocester, the king’s vncle, a man mynding[255] the common welth, and yet at length miserably made away. In whose person if yee will gieue eare, yee shall heare what I thinke meete to be saied.]
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[When maister Ferrers had ended his[313] fruitfull tragedy, because no man was ready with any other, I, hauing perused the story which came next, sayed: “Because you shall not say, my maisters, but that I will somewhat doe my part, I will, vnder your correction, declare the tragedy of Thomas Mowbrey, duke of Northfolke,[314] the chiefe worker of the duke of Glocester’s destruction: who to admonishe all counsailours to beware of flattering princes, or falsely enuying or accusing their peregualles, may lament his vices in maner following.”]
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[Pg 54]
This tragicall example was of all the company well liked, howbee it a doubt was found therein, and that by meanes of the diuersity of the chronicles: for whereas Hall (whose chronicle in this worke wee chiefly followed) maketh Mowbrey appellant and Bolinbroke defendant, Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by record of the parliament roll, wherein it is playne that Bolinbroke was appellant and Mowbrey defendant.[372] Wherefore whatsoeuer shall bee sayde here in the person of Mowbrey, (who being a most noble prince, had too much wrong to bee so causeles defamed after his death) imagine that to bee spoken agaynst his accuser. Which matter[373] sith it is more hard to decide than needefull to our purpose, which minde only to disswade from vices and exalt vertue, wee referre to such as may come by the recordes of the actes of the parliament,[374] contented in the meane while with Maister Halle’s iudgement, which maketh best for[375] our forshewed purpose. This doubt thus let passe. “I would,” sayde Maister Ferrers, “say somewhat[Pg 55] for king Richard,[376] after whose depriuing, his brother[377] and diuers others made a maske, minding by king[378] Henrye’s destruction to haue restored him, which masker’s matter so runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to goe before, but seeing no man is ready to say ought in theyr behalfe, I will giue (who so listeth) leasure to looke[379] therevpon, and in the meane time to furder your enterprise, I will in king Richarde’s behalfe[380] recount such part of his story as I thinke most necessary. And therefore imagine Baldwine that you see the corps of this prince all[381] to be mangled with blewe woundes, lying pale and wan, all naked vpon the cold stones in[382] Paule’s church, the people standing round about him, and making his complaynt in manner as followeth.”[383]
[Pg 56]
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[Pg 63]
[When hee had[464] ended this so woefull a tragedy,[465] and to all princes a right worthy[466] instruction, wee paused:[467] hauing passed through a miserable time full of piteous tragedies. And seeing the raigne of Henry the fourth ensued, a man[468] more wary[469] and prosperous in his doings, although not vntroubled with warres both of outforth and inward enemies, wee began to searche what peeres[470] were fallen therein, whereof the nombre was not small: and yet because theyr examples were not much to be noted for our purpose, we passed ouer al the maskers (of whom king Richard’s brother was chief) which were all slayn and put to death for theyr trayterous attempt. And finding Owen Glendour next, one of fortune’s owne whelpes, and the Percies his confederates, I thought them vnmeete to be ouerpassed, and[471] therefore sayd thus to the sylent company: “What my maisters is euery man at once in a browne study? hath no man affection to any of these stories? you minde so much some other belike, that these doe not moue you: and to say the[472] truth, there is no speciall cause why they should.[473]How be it Owen Glendour, because he was one of fortune’s owne darlings, and affected to bee prince[474] of Wales, although to his owne mischiefe[Pg 64] and destruction, rather then he should bee forgotten, I wil take vpon mee (by your fauour) to say somewhat in his personne:[475] which[476] Owen comming out of the wilde mountaynes of Wales like the image of death in all poyntes (his harte onely excepted) as a ghost forpined with extreame famine, cold, and hunger, may lament his great misfortune after[477] this manner.”][478]
[Pg 65]
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[Pg 76]
[Whan starued Owen had ended his hungry exhortation, it was well enough liked, howbeit one founde a doubte[552] worth the mouing, and that concerning this title, earle of March: for as it appeareth, there were three men of three diuers nations together in one time entituled by that honour: first syr Edmund Mortimer, whom Owen kept in pryson, an Englishman: the second the lord George of Dunbar, a valiaunt Scot, banished out of his countrey, and well esteemed of Henry the fouerth: the thirde lord Iames of Bourbon, a Frenchman, sent by the Frenche king to help Owen Glendour.
These three men had this title all at once, which caused him to aske how it was true that euery one of these could bee earle of March: whereto was answered, that euery countrey hath Marches belonging vnto them, and those so large, that they were earledomes, and the lords thereof entituled thereby: so the[553] lord Edmund Mortimer was earle of March in England, lord Iames of Burbon, of the Marches of Fraunce, and lorde George of Dunbar, earle of the Marches in Scotland. For otherwise neyther coulde haue interest in other’s title. This doubt thus dissolued, maister Ferrers sayde: “If no man haue affection to the Percies, let vs passe the times both of Henry the fourth and the fift, and come to Henry the sixt, in whose time fortune (as shee doth in the minority of princes) bare a great stroke among the nobles. And yet in Henry the fourth’s time are examples which I would wish, Baldewine, that you should not forget, as the conspiracy made by the byshop of Yorke, and the lord Mowbrey, sonne of him whome you late treated of, pricked forwarde by the earle of Northumberland, father to sir Henry Hotspur,[Pg 77] who fled himselfe, but his parteners were apprehended and put to death, with Bainton and Blinkinsops, which could not see theyr duty to theyr king, but tooke parte with Percy, that banished rebell.” As hee was proceding, hee was desired to stay by one which had pondered the story of the Percies, who briefly sayde: “To the end, Baldwine, that you may knowe what to say of the Percies, whose story is not all out of memory (and is a notable story) I will take vpon mee the person of the lord Henry Percy,[554] earle of Northumberland, father of sir[555] Henry Hotspur, in whose behalfe this may be sayd as followeth.”][556]
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[By that this was ended, I had found out the story of Richard earle of Cambridge: and because it contained matter in it, though not very notable, yet for the better vnderstanding of the rest, I thought it meete to touch it, and therefore saide as followeth: “You haue saide well of the Percies and fauourably; for in deede, as it should appeare, the chiefe cause of their conspiracy against king Henry, was for Edmund Mortimer their cousin’s sake, whome the king very maliciously proclaymed to haue yeelded him selfe to Owen coulourably, when, as in deede, hee was taken forcibly against his will and very cruelly ordered in prison. And seeing wee are in hand with Mortimer’s matter, I will take vpon mee the person of Richard Plantagenet, earle of Cambridge, who for his sake likewise died. And therefore I let passe Edmund Holland, earle of Kent, whome Henry the fourth made admirall to scoure the seas, because the Britayns were abroad. Which earle (as many thinges happen in war) was slaine with an arrowe at the assaulte of Briacke:[586] shortly after whose death this king died, and his sonne Henry the fift of that name, succeded in his place. In the beginning of this Henry the fifte’s raigne, died this Richard, and with him Henry the lord Scrope and other, in whose behalfe this may bee saide.”]
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[Whan stout Richarde had stoutely sayd his minde: “Belike,” sayd[599] one, “this Richard was but a litle man, or els litle fauoured of the[600] writers, for our cronicles speake very litle of him. But seeing wee be come nowe to king Henrie’s voyage into Fraunce, we cannot lacke valiaunt men to speake of, for among so many as were led and sent by the king out of this realme thyther, it cannot be chosen but some, and that a great somme were slayne among them: wherefore to speake of them all, I thinke not needefull. And therefore to let passe Edwarde duke of Yorke, and the earle of Suffolke, slayne both at the battayl of Agïncourt, as were also many other, let vs end the time of Henry the fift, and come to his sonne Henry the sixt: whose nonage brought Fraunce and Normandy out of bondage, and was cause that so[601] few of our noble men died aged: of whome to let passe the nombre, I will take vpon mee the person of Thomas Montague, earle of Salisbury, whose name was not so good at home (and yet hee was called the good earle) as it was dreadful abroade: who exclayming vpon the mutability of fortune may iustly say[602] in maner as followeth.”]
[Pg 90]
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[Pg 102]
[This straunge aduenture of the good earle draue vs all into a dumpe, inwardly lamenting his woefull destiny, out of which wee were awaked after this sort. “To what end,” sayde[648] one, “muse we so much on the matter. This earle is neyther first nor last[649] whom fortune hath foundred in the height of theyr prosperity. For all through the raigne of this vnfortunate king Henry, we shall finde many which haue beene likewise serued, whose chaunces sith they be martiall, and therefore honourable, may the better be omitted. And therefore wee will let goe the lordes Molines, and Poyninges, slayne both at the siege of Orleaunce, shortly after the death of this earle. Also the valiaunt earle of Arundel destroyed with a bowlet at the assault of Gerborye,[650] whose stories neuerthelesse are worth the hearing. And to quicken vp your spirites, I will take vpon mee a tragicall person in deede, I meane king Iamy slayn by his seruauntes in his priuy chamber: who although he be a Scot, yet seeing hee was brought vp in England, where hee learned the language, his example also so notable, it were not meete it should bee forgotten. And therfore marke, Baldwine, what, I thinke, he may say.”]
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[Pg 111]
[When[671] this was sayde, quoth[672] one of the company: “Let passe these Scottish matters, and returne wee to our English storyes which minister matter enough of tragedy, without seking or trauayling to forayne countreyes. Therefore returne wee to the rest of the tragicall troubles and broyles which happened in this realme during the minority of king Henry the sixt, and the sondry falls and ouerthrowes of great princes and other noble persons happening thereby.” “Well sayd (qd maister Ferrers) as[673] it happeneth I haue penned here two[674] notable tragedies, the one of Humfrey duke of Glocester, the other of the duchess Elianor his wife, which (as mee seemeth) be two of the most memorable matters fortuning in that[675] time: but whether of them is to bee placed first in[676] the order of our booke, I somwhat stand in doubt. For albeit the sayd duke’s death happened before the deceasse of the duches, yet was her fall first, which finally was cause of both.”[677] “Why should you doubt then (quod the rest of the company) for seeing the cause doth alwayes goe before th’effect and sequell of any thing, it is good reason you should begin with her first. And therefore wee pray you let vs heare first what shee hath to say: for all this while wee haue not heard the complaynt of any lady or other woman.”]
[Pg 112]
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[Pg 126]
[“Svrely,” sayd one of the company, “this lady hath done much to moue the hearers to pitye her, and hath very well knit vp her[696] tragedy according to the beginning: but I meruayl much where shee learned all this poetry touched in her tale, for in her dayes learning was not common, but a rare thing, namely in women.” “Yes,” quod Maister Ferrers, “that might shee very well learne of the duke her husband, who was a prince so excellently learned, as the like of his degree was no where to bee founde. And not only so, but was also a patron to poets and orators, much like as Mecenas was in the time of Augustus Cæsar. This duke was founder of the diuinity schole in Oxford, whereas he caused Aristotle’s workes to bee translated out of Greeke into Latin, and caused many other thinges to bee done for aduauncement of learning, hauing alwayes learned men nere about him, no meruayl therefore though the duchesse brought some pece away.” “Mee-thinke,” quod another, “shee passeth boundes of a ladye’s modesty, to inuey so cruelly against the cardinall Beaufort.” “Not a whit,” quod another, “hauing such cause as shee had, and somwhat ye must beare with women’s passions. Therefore leaue wee her to eternall rest, and let vs heare what Maister Ferrers will say for the duke her husband, whose case was the more lamentable, in that hee suffered without cause. And surely though the cardinall against nature was the duke’s mortall foe, yet the chiefe causers of his confusion was the queene and William Delapoole, earle of Suffolke, and afterwardes duke, whose counsayle was chiefly followed in the contriuing of this noble man’s destruction. Shee through ambition to haue soueraynty and rule, and hee through flattery to purchase honour and promotion, which as hee in short time obtayned, so in as short time he lost agayne, and his[Pg 127] life withall by the iust iudgement of God, receiuing such measure as he before met to this good prince. This drift of his turned to the vtter ouerthrowe of the king himselfe, the queene his wife, and Edward theyr son a most goodly prince, and to the subuersion of the whole house of Lancaster, as you may see at large in the cronicles: but now let vs heare what the duke will say.”]
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[Pg 146]
[The good duke hauing ended his wofull tragedy, after much talke hadde concerning discention among those that bee magistrates: “Good Lord,” quod one, “what mischiefe and destruction doth priuy grudge and malice rayse among all sortes of people both hye and lowe? but especially among magistrates being the head and guide of the commonwealth: for what mischief did the discention betwene these two persons (being both of hye estate) bring after to both realmes:[733] yea and the vtter ruin of most of them that were workers[734] of this duke’s death.” “You say troth,” quoth I, “and now for that, if I may craue your pacience a while, you shall heare what I haue noted in the duke of Suffolke’s doings, one of the chiefe procurours of duke Humfreye’s destruction, who[735] by the prouidence of God came shortly after in such hatred of the people, that the king himselfe could not saue him from a straunge and notable death.[736] For being banisht the realme for the terme of fiue yeares, to appease the continuall rumours and inward grudges, that not only the commons, but most part of the nobility of England, bare towardes him for the death of the sayde duke, he sayling[737] towardes Fraunce, was met with a ship of Deuonshire, and beheaded forthwith the first day of May, Anno 1450. And the dead corps throwen vp at Douer, vpon the sandes, which may lament his death after this maner.”]
[Pg 147]
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[Pg 156]
[Whan this was sayd, euery man reioysed to heare of a wicked person so righteously punished:[775] for though fortune in many points bee iniurious to princes, yet in this and such like she is most righteous: and only deserueth the name of a goddesse, whan she prouideth meanes to punishe and destroy tyrantes. And when we had a while considered the driftes of the king and queene to haue saued this duke: and yet they could not: “It is worth the labour,” sayd one, “to way the workes and iudgements of God: which seeing they are knowen most euidently by comparing contraries, I will touch the story of Iacke Cade in order next following, whome king Henry, with all his puissaunce, was no more able for a while to destroy (yet was hee his rebellious enemy), than hee was to preserue the duke of Suffolke his dearest friend: by which two examples doth appeare howe notably God disposeth all things, and that no force stretcheth farther, than it pleaseth him to suffer. For this Cade being an Irisheman but of meane parentage, of no ability,[776] and lesse power, accompanied with a fewe naked Kentishemen, caused the king with his army at all poynts appointed, to leaue the field, and suffer him to do whatsoeuer hee lusted [for a time, but in the end hee was slaine at Hothfielde in Sussex, and caried thence to London in a cart, and there quartered.][777] In whose behalfe, seeing he is one of fortune’s whelpes, I will trouble you a while to heare the processe of his enterprise, which hee may declare in maner following.”]
[Pg 157]
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[“By Sainct Mary,” sayd[816] one, “if Iacke were as wel learned, as you haue made his oration, what so euer hee was by birth, I warrant him a gentleman by his learning. How notably and philosopher like hath he described fortune, and the causes of worldly cumbraunce? how like[817] a deuine hath hee determined the states both of officers and rebells. For in deede officers[818] be God’s deputies, and it is God’s office which they beare: and it is hee which ordaineth thereto such as himself listeth, good whan he fauoureth the people, and euil when he will punish them. And therefore whosoeuer rebelleth against any ruler, either good or bad, rebelleth against God and shalbee sure of a shamefull ende:[819] for God cannot but mayntaine his deputy. Yet this I note by the way concerning rebels and rebellions. Although the deuill raise them, yet God alwayes vseth them to his glory, as a part of his iustice. For whan kinges and chiefe rulers suffer their vnder officers to misuse their subiectes, and will not heare nor remedy their people’s wronges whan they complaine, then suffereth God the rebell to rage, and to execute that part of his iustice, which the partiall prince would not. For the lord Saye, a very corrupt officer, and one whom notwithstanding the king alwayes mayntayned, was destroyed by this Iacke, as was also the bishop of Salisbury, (a proude and couetous prelate) by other of the rebells. And therefore whatsoeuer prince desireth to liue quietly without rebellion, must doe his subiectes right in all thinges, and punishe such officers as greeue or oppresse them: thus shall they bee sure from all rebellion. And for the clerer opening hereof it were well done to set forth this lord Saye’s tragedy.” “What neede that,” sayd[820] another, “seeing the like[Pg 166] example is seene in the duke of Suffolke, whose doings are declared sufficiently already. Nay let[821] vs goe forward, for we haue a great many behind that may not bee omitted, and the time as you see passeth away. As for this lord Saye, whom Cade so cruelly killed and spitefully vsed after his death, (I dare say) shalbe knowen therby what hee was to all that read or heare this story. For God would neuer haue suffered him to haue beene so vsed, except hee had first deserued it. Therefore let him goe and with him the bishop, and all other slaine in that rebellion which was raised as it may be thought through some drift of the duke of Yorke, who shortly after began to endeuour himselfe by all meanes to attayne the crowne, and therefore gathered an army in Walles, and marched towardes London:[822] but the king with his power taried and met him[Pg 167] at Sainct Albans, where while the king and hee were about a treaty, Richarde Neuile earle of Warwicke, chiefe of the faction of the house of Yorke, set vpon the kinge’s army, gate the victory, and slue Edmund Beauford duke of Somerset. Where also the same day were slaine in the quarell of king Henry the sixt, Henry Percy the second[823] of that surname, earle of Northumberland, Humfreye earle of Stafford, sonne and heire to Humfrey Stafford,[824] duke of Buckingham, Iohn lord Clifford, Babthorpe the kinge’s attorney and his sonne and heire, besides many moe of the nobility. But[825] because the duke of Somerset[826] was the chiefe of that part, passing ouer the rest, let vs onely heare him speake for all.”]
[Pg 168]
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[Pg 169]
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[Pg 183]
[After this tragedy ended, one sayd: “Seeing this duke hath so vehemently exclaimed against the duke of Yorke’s practises, it were well done to heare what hee can say for himselfe. For after the first battaile at Sainct Albane’s he was[948] made protectour,[949] which so much greeued queene Margaret and her complices, that priuy grutches and open dissembling neuer ceased till the duke and his allyes were fayne to flie both field and realme, hee into Ireland, and they to Calais. Whence they came againe with an army, whereof Richard Neuill earle of Salisbury was leder, and marched toward Couentry, where the king was, and had gathered an army to subdue them, and encountred them at Northampton on the 10 day of Iuly in the yeare of grace 1460, fought with them, lost the fielde, and was taken himselfe and many of his friendes slaine, as Humfrey Stafford duke of Buckingham, Iohn Talbot the second of that name earle of Shrewesbury, Iohn vicount Beaumont, Thomas lord Egremont, sir William Lucy and diuers other. But ouerpassing all these and many moe because they were honorably slaine in the fielde, let vs come to him who was the chiefe cause thereof, that is to say, Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke slaine in the battayl at Wakefield on Christmas euen, and Edmund earle of Rutland his yong sonne, who was there murdered by the lord Clifford as hee would have fled into the towne to haue saued himselfe.
Therefore imagine that you see a tall man’s body full of fresh woundes, but lacking a head, holding by the hand a goodly childe, whose breast was so wounded that his heart might be seene, his louely face and eyes disfigured with dropping teares, his haire through horror standing vpright, his mercy crauing handes all to bee mangled, and all his body embrued with his owne bloud. Out of the wesand pipe of which headles body came a shreking voice saying as followeth.”]
[Pg 184]
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[Pg 194]
[With that[1029] maister Ferrers shooke mee by the sleue, saying: “Why how now man, do you forget your selfe? belike you minde our matters very much.” “So I doe indeede,” sayd I,[1030] “for I dreame of them.” And whan I had rehersed my dreame, wee had long talke concerning the nature of dreames, which to stint, and to bring vs to our matter agayne, thus sayd one of them: “I am glad it was your chaunce to dreame of duke Richard, for it had bene pity to haue ouerpassed him. And as concerning this lord Clyfford which so cruely killed his sonne, I purpose to gieue you notes: who (as hee well deserued) came shortly after to a sodayne death, and yet too good for so cruell a tyrant. [For on Palmesonday next following, being the xxix day[1031] of March, in the yeare of Christ a thousand four hundreth threescore and one, this lord Clyfford with Henry Percy the thirde earle of Northumberland, the earle of Westmerland, the lord Dacres, the lord Welles, and other were slayn at Towton in Yorkeshyre.][1032] Wherefore as you thought you saw and hearde the headles duke speake through his necke, so now[1033] suppose you see this lord Clyfford, all armed saue his head, with his brest plate all gore bloud running from his throate wherein an headlesse arrow sticketh through which wound hee sayth thus.”[1034]]
[Pg 195]
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[Whan this tragedy was ended: “O Lord,” sayd[1076] another, “how horrible a thing is diuision in a realme, to how many mischiefes is it the mother, what vice is not therby kindled, what vertue left vnquenched? for what was the cause of the duke of Yorke’s death, and of the cruelty of this Clyfford, saue[1077] the variaunce betwene king Henry and the house of Yorke? which at length, besides millions of the commons, brought to destruction all the[1078] nobility. For Edward the duke’s eldest son immediately after his[1079] father was slayn, through help of the Neuills, gaue the king a battayle, whereat, besides this Clyfford, and xxxvi thousand other souldiers, were slain theyr captaynes, the earles[1080] of Northumberland and Westmerland, with the lordes Dacres and Welles: the[1081] winning of which fielde brought Edward to the crowne, and the losse draue king Henry and his wife into Scotland. But as few raignes begin without bloud, so king Edward to keepe order,[1082] caused Thomas Courtney earle of Deuonshyre, and Iohn Veer earle of Oxeforde, and Aubrey Veer eldest sonne to the sayd earle, with diuers[1083] other his enemies,[1084] to bee attaynted and put to death. And shortly after he[1085] did execution vpon the duke of Somerset, and the lordes Hungerford and Rosse, whom he toke prisoners at Exham fielde. For thither they came with[1086] king Henry out of Scotland, with an army of Scottes, and fought a battayle, which was lost,[Pg 200] and the most[1087] part of them slayn.[1088] And because these are all noble men, I will leaue them to Baldwine’s discretion. But seyng the earle of Worcester was the chiefe instrument whom king Edward vsed as well in these men’s matters as in like bloudy affayres, because he should not be forgotten, yee shall here what I haue noted concerning his tragedy.”[1089]]
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[Pg 207]
[This earle’s[1113] tragedy was not so soone finished, but one of the company had prouided for another of a notable person, lord Tiptoft’s chiefe enemy: concerning whom hee sayd: “Lord God what trust is there in worldly chaunces? what stay in any prosperity? for see the earle of Warwicke which caused the earle of Worcester to be apprehended, attainted, and put to deth, triumphing with his old imprisoned and new vnprisoned prince, king Henry, was by and by after, and his brother with him, slayn at Barnet field by king Edward, whom hee had before time damaged diuers wayes. As first by his friendes at Banbury fielde, where to reuenge the death of his cosin Henry[1114] Neuill, syr Iohn Coniers, and Iohn Clappam, his seruauntes, slue fiue thousand Welshmen, and beheaded theyr captaynes, the earle of Pembroke and syr Richard Harbert his brother, after they were yeelded prisoners: of whom syr Richard Harbert was the tallest gentilman both of his person and handes that euer I read or heard of. At which time also, Robin of Ridsdale,[1115] a rebell of the earle of Warwicke’s raysing, tooke the earle Riuers, king Edwarde’s wiue’s father, and his sonne Iohn, at his manour of Grafton, and carried them to Northampton, and there without cause or proces beheaded them. Which spites to requite, king Edward caused the lord Stafford of Sowthwike, one of Warwicke’s chiefe frendes, to be taken at Brent march, and headed at Bridgewater. This caused the earle shortly to raise his power, to encounter the king which came against him with an army, beside Warwicke at Wolney, where hee wan the field, tooke the king prisoner, and kept him a while in Yorkeshire in Middleham castle: whence (as some say) hee released him againe, but other thinke hee corrupted hys keepers and so escaped. Then[Pg 208] through the lords the matter was taken vppe betweene them, and they brought to talke togeather, but because they could not agree, the earle araised a new army, whereof he made captayn the lord Welles’ sonne, which broile king Edward minding to appease by pollicy, fouly distained his honour, committing periury: for hee sent for the lord Welles and his brother sir Thomas Dymocke, vnder safe conduite promising them vpon his fayth to keepe them harmelesse. But after, because the lord Welles’ sonne would not dissolue his army, beheaded them both and went with his power into Lincolnshire and there fought with sir Robert Welles, and slewe ten thousand of his souldiers (yet ran they away so fast, that casting of their clothes for the more speede, caused it to bee called Lose coate fielde) and tooke sir Robert and other, and put them to death in the same place. This misfortune forced the earle of Warwicke to saile into Fraunce where hee was entertained of the king a while, and at last with such poore helpe as hee procured there of duke Rainer and other, hee came into England againe, and encreased such a power in king Henrie’s name, that as the lord Typtofte sayd in his tragedy, king Edward vnable to abide him, was faine to flie ouer the washes in Lincolnshire to get a ship to saile out of his kingdome to his brother in lawe the duke of Burgoine. So was king Henry restored againe to his[1116] kingdome. All these despites and troubles the earle wrought against king Edward. But Henry was so infortunate that ere halfe a yeare was expired, king Edward came backe againe, and enprisoned him and gaue the earle a fielde, wherein hee slewe both him and his brother. I haue recounted thus much before hand for the better opening of the story, which, if it should haue beene spoken in his tragedy, would rather haue made a volume then a pamphlete. For I entend onely to say in the tragedy, what I haue noted in the earle of Warwicke’s person, wishing that these other noble men, whome I haue by the way touched, should not bee forgotten. And therefore imagine that[Pg 209] you see this earle lying with his brother in Paule’s church[1117] in his coate armoure, with such a face and countinaunce as he beareth in portraiture ouer the dore in Paule’s, at the going down to Iesus chappell from the south end of the quier stayres, and saying as followeth.”]
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[As soone as the earle had ended this admonition: “Sure,” sayd[1144] one, “I thinke the earle of Warwicke (although hee were a glorious man) hath sayd no more of himselfe then what is true. For if hee had not had notable good vertues, or vertuous qualities, and vsed laudable meanes in his trade of life, the people would neuer haue loued him as they did: but God be with him, and send his soule rest, for sure his body neuer had any. And although he dyed, yet ciuil warres ceased not. For immediately after his death came queene Margaret with a power out of Fraunce, bringing with her her yong son prince Edward: and with such friends as she found here, gaue king Edward a battayl at Tewkesbury, where both she and her son were taken prisoners with Eadmund duke of Somerset her chiefe captayne: whose son lord Iohn, and the earle of Deuonshyre were slayn in fight,[1145] and the duke himselfe with diuers other immediately beheaded. Whose infortunes are worthy to be remembred, chiefly prince Edward’s, whome the king for speaking trueth cruelly stroke with his gauntlet, and his brethren tyrannously[1146] murdered. But seing the time so far spent, I will passe them ouer, and with them Fauconbridge that ioly rouer beheaded at Southampton: whose commotion made in Kent, was cause of sely Henrye’s destruction. And seing king Henry himselfe was cause of the destruction of many noble princes, being of all other most infortunate himselfe, I will declare what I haue noted in his vnlucky life: who wounded in prison with a dagger, may lament his wretchednesse in maner following.”]
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[This tragedy ended, another sayd: “Either you or king Henry are a good philosopher, so narowly to argue the causes of misfortunes? but there is nothing to experience which taught, or might teach the king this lesson. But to proceede in our matter, I finde mention here, shortly after the death of this king, of a duke of Excester found dead in the sea betweene Douer and Calais, but what hee was, or by what aduenture hee died, maister Fabian hath not shewed, and maister Hall hath ouerskipped him: so that except wee be friendlier vnto him, hee is like to be double drowned, both in sea, and in the gulfe of forgetfulnes.” About this matter was much talke, but because one tooke vpon him to seeke out that story, that charge was committed to him. And to bee occupied in the meane while, I haue found the story of one drowned likewise, and that so notably, though priuely, that all the world knew of it: wherefore I sayd: “Because night approacheth, and that wee will lose no time, yee shall heare what I haue noted concerning the duke of Clarence, king Edward’s brother, who all to bee washed in wine, may bewayle his infortune after this maner.”]
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[By that this tragedy was ended, night was so nere come that wee could not conueniently tary together any longer: and therefore sayd maister Ferrers: “It is best my maisters to stay here. For wee be come now[1214] to the end of Edward the fourth’s raigne.[1215] For the last whom wee finde vnfortunate therein, was the duke of Clarence: in whose behalfe I commend much that which hath bene noted. Let vs therefore for this time leaue with him, and this day seauen nights hence, if your busines will so suffer, let vs all meete here together[1216] agayne. And you shall see that in the meane season I will not only deuise vpon this my selfe, but cause diuers other of my acquayntance, which can doe very well, to helpe vs forwarde with the rest.” To this euery man gladly agreed. “Howbeit,” sayd[1217] another, “seing we shall end at Edward the fourth’s end, let himselfe make an ende of our daye’s labour, with the same oration which maister Skelton made in his name, the tenour whereof, so far as I remember, is as foloweth.”][1218]
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[Whan this was sayd, euery man for that[1231] time tooke his leaue of other, and departed (for then it waxed darke) appointing a new day of meeting, which being come, we met all together againe. And whan we had saluted one another, then one tooke the booke, and began to read the story of king Edward the fifte: (for there wee left) and when hee came to the apprehending of the lord Riuers: “Stay there I pray you,” sayd I, “for here is his complaint. For the better vnderstanding whereof, you must imagine that he was accompanied with the lord Richard Gray, Hawt, and Clappam, whose infortunes hee bewaileth after this maner.”]
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[Pg 273]
[Whan I had read this, they liked it very well. One wished that the combat which hee fought[1293] with the bastard of Burgoine, and the honour which he wan both with speare and axe, should not be forgotten. Another moued a question about a great matter, and that is the variaunce of the chronicles about the lord Thomas Gray marquise Dorcet: whome Fabian euery where calleth the queene’s brother. Sir Thomas More and Hall call him the queene’s sonne, [as hee was in very deede.][1294] Fabian saith hee was gouernour of the prince, and had the conueiaunce of him from Ludlo towards London. The other (whome wee followe) say hee was than at London with the queene prouiding for the king’s coronation, and tooke sanctuary with her, as soone as he heard of the apprehending of his vncle. This disagreing of writers is a great hinderaunce of the truth, and no small cumbraunce to such as bee diligent readers, besides the harme that may happen in succession of heritages. It were therefore a worthy and good deede for the nobility to cause all the recordes to bee sought, and a true and perfect chronicle thereout to bee written. Vnto which we refer the deciding of this and of all other like controuersies, geuing this to vnderstand in the meane time, that no man shall thinke his title either better or worse by any thing that is written in any part of this treatise. For the only thing which is purposed herein, is by example of other’s miseries, to disswade all men from all sinnes and vices. If by the way wee touch any thing concerning titles, wee follow therein Halle’s chronicle. And where wee seeme to swarue from his reasons and causes of diuers doings, there wee gather vpon coniecture such thinges as seeme most probable, or at the lest most conuenient for the furderaunce of our purpose. Whan the reader would haue proceeded in[Pg 274] the Cronicle, which straight intreateth of the vilanous destruction of the lorde Hastinges, I willed him to surcease, because I had there his tragedy very learnedly penned. For the better vnderstanding wherof, you must imagin that you see him newly crept out of his graue, and speaking to mee as followeth.]
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[When I had read this, one sayd: “It was very darke, and hard to bee vnderstoode: except it were diligently and very leasurely considered.” “I like it the better,” sayd[1484] another, “for that shall cause it to bee oftner read, and the better remembred. Considering also that it is written for the learned (for such all magistrates are, or should bee) it cannot be to hard, so long as it is sound and learnedly written.” Then sayd the reader: “The next here whome I finde miserable are king Edward’s two sonnes, cruelly murdered in the tower of London: haue you their tragedy?” “No, surely,” sayd[1484] I, “The lord Vaulx vndertoke to pen it, but what hee hath done therein I am not certayne, and therefore I let it passe till I knowe farder. I haue here the duke of Buckingham, king Richard’s chiefe instrument, written by maister Thomas Sackuille.” “Read it we pray you,” sayd they. “With a good will,” quoth[1484] I, “but first you shall heare his Preface or Induction.” “Hath hee made a preface,” sayd[1484] one, “what meaneth hee thereby, seeing none other hath vsed the like order?” “I will tell you the cause thereof,” sayd[1484] I, “which is this: after that hee vnderstoode that some of the counsayl would not suffer the booke to bee printed in such order as wee had agreede and determined, hee purposed to[1485] haue gotten at my handes all the tragedies that were before the duke of Buckingham’s, which hee would haue preserued in one volume. And from that time backward, euen to the time of William the Conquerour, he determined to continue and perfect all the story him selfe, in such order as Lydgate (following Bochas) had already vsed. And therefore to make a meete induction into the matter, hee deuised this poesie: which (in my[Pg 308] iudgement) is so well penned, that I would not haue any verse thereof left out of our volume. Now that you knowe the cause and meaning of his doing, you shall also heare what hee hath done. His induction beginneth thus.”][1486]
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[Pg 364]
[“How like you this my maisters?” quoth[1661] I. “Very well,” sayd one: “the tragedy excelleth: the inuention also of the induction, and the descriptions are notable. But wheras hee fayneth to talke with the princes in hell, that I am sure will bee mislyked, because it is most certayne, that some of theyr soules be in heauen. And although hee herein doe follow allowed poets, in their description of hell, yet it sauoureth so much of purgatory, which the papistes haue digged thereout, that the ignorant may thereby bee deceiued.” “Not a whit I warrant you,” sayd I,[1662] “for hee meaneth not by his hell the place eyther of damned soules, or of such as lye for their fees, but rather the graue, wherein the dead bodyes of all sorts of people doe rest till time of the resurrection. And in this sence is hell taken often in the scriptures, and in the writings of learned christians. And so, as hee himselfe hath told mee, hee meaneth, and so would haue it taken.” “Tush,” quoth[1663] another, “what stand we here vpon? it is a poesy, and no diuinity: and it is lawfull for poets to faine what they list, so it bee appertinent to the matter: and therefore let it passe euen in such sort as you haue read it.” “With a good will,” quoth[1664] I. “But whereas you say a poet may faine what he list: in deede me thinke[1665] it should bee so, and ought to be well taken of the hearers: but it hath not at all times beene so allowed.” “Yee say troth,” quoth[1666] the reader: “for here followeth in the story, that after the death of this duke, one called Collingbourne was cruelly put to death for making of a rime.” “I haue his tragedy here,” sayd[1667] I. For[Pg 365] the better perceiuing whereof, you must imagine that you see him a maruailous well fauoured man, holding in his hand his owne heart, newely ripped out of his breast, and smoaking forth the liuely spirite: and with his hand,[1668] beckening to and fro, as it were to warne vs to auoide: and with his faint tongue and voice, saying as couragiously as bee may, these words that followe.]
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[Pg 379]
[“God’s blessing on his heart that made this:” sayd one, “specially for reuiuing our auncient liberties. And I pray God it may take such place with the magistrates, that they may ratifie our olde freedome.” “Amen,” sayd another: “for that shall bee a meane both to stay and vpholde themselues from falling, and also to preserue many kinde, true, zealous, and well meaning mindes from slaughter and infamy. If king Richarde and his counsailours had allowed, or at the least but winked at some such wits, what great commodities might they haue taken thereby? First, they should haue knowen what the people misliked and grudged at, (which no one of their flatterers either woulde or durst haue tolde them) and so mought haue found meane, eyther by amendment (which is best) or by some other pollicy to haue stayed the people’s grudge: the forerunner commonly of ruler’s destruction.[1750] Vox populi, vox Dei, in this case is not so famous a prouerbe, as true: the experience of all times doe[1751] approue it. They should also haue bene warned of their owne sinnes, which call continually for God’s vengeaunce, which neuer faileth to fall on their neckes sodainly and horribly, vnles it bee stayed with hearty repentaunce. These weighty commodities mought they haue taken by Collingbourn’s vaine rime. But, as all thinges worke to the best in them that bee good, so best thinges heape vp mischiefe in the wicked, and all to hasten their vtter destruction. For after this poore wretche’s lamentable persecution (the common rewarde of best endeuours) strait followed the fatall[1752] destruction both of this tyrant, and of his tormentours. Which I wishe might bee so set forth, that they might bee a warning for euer, to all in authority, to beware howe they vsurpe or abuse theyr offices.” “I haue here,” quoth[1753] I, “king Richard’s[Pg 380] tragedy.” “Reade it, wee pray you:” quoth[1754] they. “With a good will,” quoth[1755] I. “For the better vnderstanding whereof, imagine that you see him tormented with Diues in the deepe pit of hell, and thence howling this which followeth.”]
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[Pg 394]
[When I had read this, we had much talke about it. For it was thought not vehement enough for so violent a man as king Richard had bene. The matter was well enough liked of some, but the meetre was misliked almost of all. And when diuers therefore would not allowe it, “What,” quoth[1779] one, “you know not wherevpon you sticke: els you would not so much mislike this because of the vncertaine meeter. The cumlines called by the rhetoricians decorum, is specially to bee obserued in all thinges. Seing than that king Richard neuer kept measure in any of his doings, seeing also hee speaketh in hell, whereas is no order: it were against that[1780] decorum of his personage, to vse either good meetre or order. And therefore if his oration were farre worse, in my opinion it were more fit for him. Mars and the muses did neuer agree. Neither is to be suffered, that their milde sacred arte should seeme to proceede from so cruell and prophane a mouth as his: seeing they themselues doe vtterly abhorre it. And although wee read of Nero, that hee was excellent both in musicke and in versifying, yet doe not I remember that euer I sawe any song or verse of his making: Minerua iustly prouiding, that no monument should remayne of any such vniust vsurpation. And therefore let this passe euen as it is, which the writer I know both could and would amend in many places, saue for keeping the decorum, which he purposely hath obserued herein.” “In deede,” quoth[1781] I, “as you say: it is not meete that so disorderly and vnnaturall a man as king Richard was, should obserue any metricall order in his talke: which notwithstanding in many places of his oration is very well kepte: it shall passe therefore euen as it is, though too good for so euill[1782] a person.”[1783] Then[Pg 395] they willed mee to reade the blacke Smith. “With a good will,” quoth I: “but first you must imagin that you see him standing on a ladder ouer shrined with the Tyburne, a meete stage for all such rebelles and traytours: and there stoutly saying as followeth.”]
[Pg 396]
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[Pg 415]
[“It is pity,” quoth[1865] one, “that the meeter is no better, seeing the matter is so good: you may do very well to helpe it, and a lytle filing would make it formal.” “The author him selfe,” quoth[1866] I, “could haue done that, but hee would not, and hath desired me that it may passe in such rude sort as you haue heard it: for hee obserueth therein a double decorum both of the Smith, and of himselfe: for hee thinketh it not meete for the Smith to speake, nor for himselfe to write in any exact kinde of meeter.” “Well,” sayd another, “the matter is notable to teach al people, as well officers as subiects, to consider their estates, and to liue in loue and obedience to the highest powers, whatsoeuer they bee, whome God either by birth, law, succession, or vniuersall election, doth or shall aucthorise in his owne roume to execute his lawes and iustice among any people or nation. For by all these meanes God placeth his deputies. And in my iudgement there is no meane so good eyther for the common quiet of the people, or for God’s free choise, as the naturall order of enheritaunce by lineall discent: for so it is left in God’s handes, to creat in the wombe what prince hee thinketh meetest for his purposes: the people also knowe their princes, and therefore the more gladly and willingly receiue and obay them. And although some realmes, more carefull then wise, haue entailed theire crowne to the heire male, thinking it not meete for the feminine sexe to beare the royall office: yet if they consider all circumstaunces, and the chiefest vses of a prince in a realme, they shall see how they are deceiued. For princes are God’s lieutenauntes or deputies, to see God’s lawes executed among theire subiects, not to rule according to their owne lustes or deuises, but by the prescript of God’s lawes: so that the chiefest poynt of a prince’s office consisteth in obedience to God and to his ordinaunces, and what shoulde[Pg 416] let but that a woman may bee as obedient vnto God, as a man? The second poynt of a prince’s office is to prouide for the impotent, nedy, and helples, as widowes, orphanes, lame, and decrepite persons: and seing women are by nature tender harted, milde and pitifull, who may better then they discharge this duty? Yea but a woman lacketh courage, boldnesse, and stomacke, to withstand the aduersarie, and so are her subiects an open spoyle to their enemies. Debora, Iaell, Iudith, Thomeris, and other doe proue the contrary. But graunt it were so: what harme were that, seing victory consisteth not in witte or force, but in God’s pleasure.[1867] I am sure that whatsoeuer prince doth his duty in obaying God, and causing iustice to bee ministred according to God’s lawes, shall not only lacke warre (bee hee man, woman, or childe) but also bee a terroure to all other princes. And if God suffer any at any time to be assayled, it is for the destruction of the assayler, whether he bee rebell or forayne foe, and to the honour and profit of the vertuous prince, in whose behalfe, rather then hee shall miscary, God himselfe will fight with enfections and earthquakes from the lande and waters, and with stormes and lightenings from the ayre and skies. Moe warres haue bene sought through the wilfull and hauty courages of kings, and greater destructions happened to realmes therby, then by any other meanes. And as for wisdome and pollicy, seing it consisteth in following the counsayle of many godly, learned, and long experienced heades, it were better to haue a woman, who considering her owne weaknes and inability, should be ruled thereby, then a man which presuming vpon his owne fond brayne, will heare no aduise saue his owne. You muse peraduenture wherefore I say this. The franticke heades which disable our queene, because shee is a woman, and our king because hee is a straunger, to bee our princes and cheife gouernours, hath caused mee to say thus mutch. For whatsoeuer man, woman, or childe, is by the consent of the whole realme established in the royall seate, so it haue not bene iniuriously procured by rygour of sworde and open force, but quietly[Pg 417] by tytle, either of enheritaunce, succession, lawfull bequest, common consent or election, is vndoubtedly chosen by God to bee his deputye: and whosoeuer resisteth any suche, resisteth agaynste God himselfe, and is a ranke traytour and rebell, and shalbe sure to prosper as well as the blacke Smith and other suche haue done. All resist that wilfully breake any lawe, not being agaynst God’s lawe, made by common consent for the wealthe of the realme, and commaunded to be kept by the authority of the prince: or that deny to pay such duties, as by consent of the high court of parliament, are appointed to the prince, for the defence and preseruation of the realme.” “You haue saide very truly herein,” quoth[1868] I, “and I trust this terrible example of the blacke Smith, will put all men in minde of their duties, and teach them to bee obedient to all good lawes, and lawfull contributions. The scriptures do forbyd vs to rebell, or forcibly to withstand princes, though they commaund vniust things: yet in any case wee may not doe them: but receiue quietly at the prince’s hand whatsoeuer punishment God shall suffer to bee layd vpon vs for our refusall. God will suffer none of his to bee tempted aboue their strength.”[1869] This talke thus being ended: “I was willed my maisters,” quoth I, “by maister Holinshed, to bring sir Nicholas Burdet vnto you.” “Were you?” quoth they: “on his word we will heare what he sayes.” “Read it, I pray you,” quod one. “You must thinke then,” quoth I, “that you see him all wounded as he was slaine at Pontoise, to say as foloweth.”]
[Pg 418]
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