Page 363

Chapter 11 – From 1689 to 1707

Raja Ram – Meeting of the principal Mahratta leaders at Raigurh – Raja Ram declared regent, during the minority of Sumbhajee’s son – Important consultations, in which Prillhad Neerajee takes a conspicuous part – Siege and capture of Raigurh – The son and widow of Sumbhajee taken – Merich and Panalla taken – Raja Ram flees to Ginjee – narrowly escapes being intercepted – establishes the form of the Court of Sivajee – creates the rank of Pritee Needhee – Suntajee Ghorepuray and Dhunnajee Jadow sent back to Maharashtra – Raja Ram ascends the throne – Zoolfikar Khan sent against Ginjee – Siege delayed – Aspect of affairs in the Deccan – Proceedings of Ramchundur Punt – Origin of Ghas-dana. Rajgurh and Panalla retaken – Proceedings of Suntajee and Dhunnajee – and of Aurungzebe – Ginjee invested – Supercession of Zoolfikar Khan, by the arrival of Kaum Bukhsh – Jealousies to which it gives rise – Aurungzebe fixes his principal cantonment at Brimhapooree – Portuguese and English – Suntajee and Dhunnajee repair to the Carnatic – attack the Moghuls with great success – a truce – dissolved by the Emperor – Siege of Ginjee renewed – Kasim Khan, with several other officers, compelled by Suntajee to surrender, together with their troops – Himmut Khan defeated and slain – Siege of Ginjee pressed – Raja Ram is permitted to escape – Ginjee taken – Dissensions amongst the Mahrattas, which increase in consequence of the death of the Pritee Needhee – A sedition obliges Suntajee Ghorepuray to flee from his own troops – Satara becomes the seat of the Mahratta government – Changes and promotions – Kanhojee Angria, on the death of Seedojee Goojur, succeeds to the command of the fleet – Suntajee Ghorepuray basely murdered by Nagojee Manay – Raja Ram takes the field with a very large army – plunders the country, and imposes the Chouth in Candeish, Gung-thuree, and Berar, leaving officers to collect it – Zoolfikar Khan recalled from the Carnatic – New plan of operations – a pursuing and a besieging force – Zoolfikar Khan

Page 364

attacks and pursues Raja Ram – Emperor takes Wussuntgurh – invests Satara – description of its defences – its siege and surrender – Capture of Purlee – Distress of the Moghul army, in consequence of the setting in of the monsoon – Death and character of Raja Ram – his widow Tara Bye assumes the regency – Pureshram Trimbuck appointed Pritee Needhee – Mahrattas under Dhunnajee Jadow, and minor chiefs – Description of a body of Mahratta plunderers, contrasted with the splendour of a Moghul camp – Great devastations – State of the Moghuls – Aurungzebe perseveres in his plan of reducing the forts – General devastation and confusion – Weakness of the Moghuls – Power of the Mahrattas – its nature – State of feeling in the country – Moghuls make overtures for an accommodation – broken off – Aurungzebe quits the neighbourhood of Poona, and moves to the eastward – Wakinkerah besieged, and finally reduced – Mahrattas retaking their forts – they attack the grand army on its march – Emperor in danger of being taken – Death and character of Aurungzebe.

From the time of the execution of Soyera Bye, the widow of Sivajee, her son Raja Ram had been confined by his half-brother Sumbhajee, in the fort of Raigurh. This confinement does not appear to have been more rigid than Sumbhajee found consistent with his own security. Raja Ram had the free use of the fort, and upon the death of his first wife, Sumbhajee married him to two others, the one named Tara Bye, the other Rajis Bye; the former of the family of Mohitey, the latter a daughter of Ghatgay of Kagul. Raja Ram lived on terms of friendship with Yessoo Bye, the legitimate wife of Sumbhajee, who, with her son Sivajee, resided in Raigurh.

On the news of Sumbhajee’s death, the principal Mahratta leaders repaired to Raigurh, when it was determined in consultation

Page 365

with Yessoo Bye, that Raja Ram should be declared regent, during the minority of Sivajee, afterwards known by the name of Shao, and who was then entering his sixth year. At this council the principal people, besides the parties mentioned, were Jenardin Punt Hunwuntay, Prillhad Neerajee, the son of the late Nyadeish Purdhan, Ramchundur Punt Bowreekur, Khundoo Bullal Chitnees, Mahadajee Naik Pansumbul, Suntajee Ghorepuray, Dhunnajee Jadow, and Khundee Rao Dhabaray.

Prillhad Neerajee, with that ascendancy which superior minds acquire in times of real difficulty, took the lead in the consultations of this important assembly. They planned their measures with wisdom, unanimity, and firmness. They took a full view of the power, and the preparations of Aurungzebe. They calculated their means of resistance, and saw, without dismay, a public treasury exhausted, the laxity of all discipline, the unprovided state of the forts, and even the probability of their being reduced. Their first endeavours, therefore, were directed to lay in provisions in the forts, and to keep the garrisons as complete as possible. The regulation of Sivajee, which gave the troops composing the garrisons, a perpetual and hereditary subsistence from lands dependant on the forts, was of infinite importance at this period. Orders were immediately issued to preserve these institutions carefully; and the commanders of the forts, in addition to being warned to lay in as much grain as possible, were particularly enjoined to observe the orders for cutting and stacking the grass of

Page 366

the pasture-lands under the protection of the forts, so as to preserve subsistence for the horse, when forage in more accessible parts might not be procurable. A wise precaution of Sivajee, which had already proved useful during the time of Sumbhajee.

It was resolved that Raja Ram should move about from place to place, along the line of forts from Raigurh to Vishalgurh; but, in order to distract the attention of the Moghuls, to make none of them his fixed residence; and should it be found unsafe for him to remain in Maharashtra, it was settled that he should quit the country, and repair to Ginjee, on the coast of Coromandel.

Yessoo Bye and her son remained in Raigurh, and the family of Raja Ram retired to Vishalgurh. The Mahratta chiefs were to act according to circumstances, but to keep most of their horse for the present at no great distance from the person of Raja Ram.

The Moghul besieging force, under Yeatikad Khan, destined for the Concan, could not enter that country before the fair season. The first place attacked was Raigurh; but the Moghuls, though, assisted by the Seedee, made little progress for several months, till a discontented Mahratta, named Sooryajee Peesal, who had served in the army of Sivajee, joined Yeatikad Khan, and engaged to bring a body of choice Mawulees, provided he should be intrusted with the command of them, and obtain the Khan’s assistance in getting possession of the hereditary rights of Deshmookh

Page 367

of Waee, to which he pretended a claim.

1690

These conditions being accepted, Peesal performed his part of the agreement, and the early surrender of the fort was principally ascribed to his exertions. Peesal accompanied Yeatikad Khan, and the Seedee had several of his ancient possessions restored to him.

The widow of Sumbhajee and her son, Sivajee, fell into the hands of Yeatikad Khan; they were conveyed to camp, where the Khan was received with particular distinction, and honored with the title of Zoolfikar Khan. Yessoo Bye and her son found a friend in Begum Sahib, the daughter of Aurungzebe, and the emperor himself became partial to the boy, whom he named Sahoo, an appellation which, pronouncing it Shao, he ever after chose to retain.

After the capture of Raigurh, detachments from the grand army advanced to Merich and Panalla, which were surrendered to the Moghuls, and Raja Ram was now advised to make good his way to Ginjee as soon as possible, before his plan of retiring there should be suspected. As preliminary arrangements, he had, by the advice of Prillhad Neerajee, adopted the precaution of appointing Neeloo Punt Moreishwur to his father’s situation of Peishwa; a measure which secured Ginjee in his interests. The command of Vishalgurh, Rangna, and all the forts, with full and complete powers of government in the old provinces, was confided to Ramchundur Punt Bowreekur, with the title of Hookmut-punah. Under him was placed Pureshram Trimbuck, a Bramin, who, from the

Page 368

humble situation of hereditary Koolkurnee of Kinneye, had brought himself into notice, and had given proofs of intelligence and spirit. Seedojee Goojur, dignified with the title of Surkheil, was intrusted with the general command of the fleet, the superintendence of the maritime ports, and the defence of the coast. His second in command was a Mahratta, named Kanhojee Angria, whose father, Tookajee Angria, had early distinguished himself in Sivajee’s fleet. The foresight of Prillhad Neerajee, had also been the means of opening a correspondence with all the principal Mankurees, which, although it did not immediately induce them to make common cause against the Moghuls, directed their inclinations to that end.

Mahadajee Naik Pansumbul, an old man who had great weight with the Sillidars of the country, was appointed Senaputtee, and left in Maharashtra. At his recommendation, the different leaders dispersed their horse amongst the villages, with directions to assemble at such place, and by such signal as might afterwards be made to them by the Senaputtee, and that all their friends, brethren, and connections should join the Bhugwa Jenda394 wherever it might appear.

After shewing himself in his different forts, Raja Ram joined his confidential, friends at Rangna, ready to prepare for flight. Having disguised themselves as Lingait Banians, they proceeded to Soonda, and thence across the country, towards

Page 369

the opposite coast. The party of Raja Ram on this occasion, consisted of twenty-five persons, and amongst them are found the names of Prillhad Neerajee, Suntajee Ghorepuray, Dhunnajee Jadow, and Khundee Rao Dhabaray. Although the plan was well concerted, Aurungzebe got intelligence of the Raja’s flight, and immediate, orders were sent to Kasim Khan, Foujdar in the Beejapoor Carnatic, to intercept him. Similar orders were transmitted by Kasim Khan to his friends, and Raja Ram was in great jeopardy in the neighbourhood of Bangalore, where the slight circumstance of having his feet washed by a servant, first attracted attention. The wary observation of Khundoo Bullal discovered that there was a plan for arresting the whole party, and to disappoint the scheme, Khundoo Bullal with the majority of the party, remained cooking their victuals, whilst Raja Ram, Suntajee Ghorepuray, and Dhunnajee Jadow went off by one route, and Prillhad Neerajee with Khundee Rao Dhabaray travelled by another.

Khundoo Bullal and his companions were taken, as had been foreseen: they were examined, confined, and beaten to extort confession, but on their firmly persisting in a preconcerted story, and denying all knowledge of any fugitives from Maharashtra, they were released, and finally joined Raja Ram, who, with the others, had reached Ginjee in safety.

The first news they heard from Maharashtra, was the death of Mahadajee Naik, the Senaputtee: this event, although it disconcerted their measures for the time, was fortunate for the Mahratta cause,

Page 370

as it brought Suntajee Ghorepuray into immediate power, an officer of much greater ability and enterprize.

The primary care of Raja Ram was to establish a court on the plan of his father, which, though at first little more than nominal, was of much importance in giving consequence to his party.

The Purdhans now appointed were as follow: 1st, Neeloo Punt Moreishwur, Peishwa; 2d, Jenardin Punt Hunwuntay, Amat; 2d, Shunkrajee Mulhar, Suchew; 4th, Ramchundur Trimbuck Poonday, Muntree; 5th, Suntajee Ghorepuray, Senaputtee; 6th, Mahadajee Gudadhur, Somunt; 7th, Neerajee Rowjee, Nyadeish; 8th, Sreekuracharya, Pundit Rao.

The appointment of Peishwa having been previously filled, and Prillhad Neerajee continuing the soul of their cause, a new rank was instituted which raised him above the Purdhans, by the title of Pritee Needhee, literally meaning the likeness or representative of the Raja himself: Although Prillhad Neerajee was fond of titles and show, a taste which he probably acquired when envoy on the part of Sivajee at the court of Golcondah, the dignity conferred upon him was entirely unsolicited. Suntajee Ghorepuray, now the oldest representative of the Kapsee family, besides the rank of Senaputtee, was further dignified with some additions to his hereditary titles, and styled Hindoo Rao Mumlukut-Mudar. He was also intrusted with a new standard called the Juree Putka, or Golden Pennon; and in imitation of the Imperial Officers of the highest rank, he was authorized to

Page 371

beat the nobut or large drum, and assume various other insignia. Dhunnajee Jadow got the title of Jeysing Rao, and in consequence of the demise of Mahadajee Naik, both Suntajee and Dhunnajee were sent back to Maharashtra “to collect men and plunder the Moghuls395.”

Raja Ram was formally seated on the throne396, and the new court began to exercise all the forms of government. Gold bangles, clothes, shawls, and letters announcing the event, were secretly forwarded, and pompously presented to all the principal Hindoos throughout Maharashtra397, and what is very remarkable, Enams, Jagheers, &c. in the Mahratta country, then in actual possession of the Moghuls, and places which never had belonged to his predecessors were profusely bestowed, but few of them were confirmed398 by Raja Ram, or Shao, after they had obtained control over the territory which the Raja thus pretended to alienate. Unsubstantial, however, as such gifts were, they had the effect of strengthening his cause, of keeping

Page 372

alive an interest in it, and of drawing numbers of persons to Ginjee.

1691

Aurungzebe, as soon as he heard of these proceedings, detached Zoolfikar Khan with a large army into the Carnatic, vainly hoping that he would be able to strike off this last head of the Mahratta power; but the hydra had lost none of its vigour; parties under the name of Mahrattas, though they may have been discharged horsemen from Beejapoor and Golcondah, were this season plundering at Nassuck, Bheer, and Beder at the same time; whilst hundreds of horse, that had shared in the campaigns of Sivajee, were flocking to Suntajee Ghorepuray and Dhunnajee Jadow, the oldest and most popular leaders among them. The want of funds was greatly felt by Suntajee in his attempts to organize a force on the old system, which he never was able fully to effect, but Ramchundur Punt gave him every aid in his power399.

In the exposed state of the Payeen Ghaut, as Prillhad Neerajee considered that Suntajee and Dhunnajee could give more effectual aid to Ginjee by remaining in Maharashtra, he engaged a Mahomedan officer, formerly in the service of Beejapoor, to attempt some opposition on the approach of the Moghuls. The attempt was made, although unsuccessfully, and the officer in question afterwards joined the Moghuls.

In Zoolfikar Khan’s army there were a number of Mahrattas, both in the cavalry and infantry. In

Page 373

the latter were the same body of Mawulees that had assisted in the capture of Raigurh400, and among the former there were two of the relations of Raja Ram, Gunnajee and Ranoojee Sirkay, who having deserted to the Moghuls when Annajee Dutto was executed, had attained commands, and were esteemed good officers. The second in command to Zoolfikar Khan in this army, was Daood Khan Punnee401, a Deccan officer of some repute, but notoriously addicted to drinking. The fort of Ginjee consists of several contiguous hills, strongly fortified, and is many miles in circumference. The Moghuls never considered an army capable to undertake a regular siege, unless sufficiently large to surround the place invested; and completely obstruct communication. Zoolfikar Khan, finding his force inadequate for this purpose, after he had commenced some works, represented that a reinforcement was necessary, and until it should arrive, he left a detachment at Ginjee, and undertook an expedition to the southward, where he levied contributions both from the Rajas of Tanjore and Trichinopoly.

But this requisition for troops was not immediately complied with; the Deccan was far from being

Page 374

in that state which made it easy for Aurungzebe to spare large reinforcements, without running great risk of having the whole country in a state of insurrection. The depredations of the Naik of Wakinkerah had become so troublesome, that an army, under the prince Kaum Bukhsh and Roh Oolah Khan, was ordered to destroy his town; but they were obliged to besiege it, and came ill-prepared to overcome the defence which was maintained against them402.

1692

Ramchundur Punt was as useful in Maharashtra, as the Pritee Needhee at Ginjee; he had an excellent second in Pureshram Trimbuck, who used great exertions in restoring the arrangements of the forts, and giving spirit and zeal to the garrisons. Ramchundur moved from place to place, but fixed his principal residence at Satara, where by the aid of his head carcoon, Shunkrajee Narrain Gaudekur, he not only attended to every military disposition, but regulated the revenue, and established some order in the country. He had raised troops of his own, and had cut off several straggling parties of the Moghuls, before Suntajee and Dhunnajee returned; but when they joined him, Ramchundur proposed a plan for surprising the Foujdar at Waee, to which Suntajee, greatly pleased403, immediately consented, took the Foujdar with all his troops prisoners, and established a Mahratta Thanna in the place. The

Page 375

mere presence of Suntajee and Dhunnajee animated Ramchundur’s followers, and he incited his commanders to follow their example. He sent them out to make their established collections, as the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee were termed, from the Moghul territory; and as they became encouraged by success, his officers added a third contribution, for themselves, under the head of Ghas-dana or forage-money. In this manner a distinct army was raised, of which the principal leaders were Powar, Thorat and Atowlay. The commanders received honorary presents and rewards from court, the title of Wiswas Rao was conferred on Powar, Dinker Rao on Thorat, and Shumsher Buhadur on Atowlay, Ramchundur was particularly partial to the Mahratta dhungurs, or shepherds, a great number of whom served among his troops, and many of the ancestors of those who afterwards became great chiefs in the empire, began their career under Ramchundur Punt.

Shunkrajee Narrain, hitherto known as an able carcoon, had received charge of the Waee district, and had retaken Rajgurh, which, after the fall of Raigurh, had been surrendered to the Moghuls. A still more important service was performed by Pureshram Trimbuck, who surprised and retook Panalla.

Suntajee headed another attack on the Moghul officer stationed near Merich, against whom he was as successful as at Waee, and Ramchundur, in consequence, by virtue of the powers vested in him, gave him a grant of the Deshmookhee of Merich. As soon as Suntajee and Dhunnajee had collected

Page 376

a sufficient body of troops, mindful of their object of effecting a diversion in favour of Ginjee, they made their appearance on the banks of the Godavery, which was the only part of the country, where scarcity, from one cause or other, did not prevail. They there plundered and destroyed everything, and cut off several of the Moghul convoys coming from Hindoostan. Parties were soon sent against them; but Aurungzebe found that he had not ordinary freebooters to suppress; instead of fleeing from his detachments, they defeated three of them successively, took the commander each time prisoner, and, according to a rule invariably observed by Suntajee, exacted a large ransom before they would grant their release. This system was according to Sivajee’s general rule, but contrary to his practice; for he took a pride in releasing great men, although he always made what he could by the middling class of prisoners. Suntajee conformed to Sivajee’s discipline as far as was practicable, and was particular in obtaining security for the good conduct of his followers, always preferring Mahratta Wutundars to any other class of men. Dhunnajee Jadow was not so strict nor so good an officer as Suntajee, but he was a more popular leader404.

1693

Whilst they were thus spreading their ravages to the northward, Aurungzebe shifted his encampment on the banks of the Beema, apparently undecided with respect to his future operations. He at last resolved to support Zoolfikar Khan, and, at all events, reduce Ginjee.

Page 377

The prince Kaum Bukhsh, under the guidance of the prime minister, Assud Khan, was destined for this service. He was directed to leave Roh Oollah Khan at Wakinkerah, the siege of which was afterwards abandoned, and move on the route to Ginjee, where he was soon joined by Assud Khan with a large army. On approaching the Payeen Ghaut parties of horse made their appearance, and by skirmishing delayed their advance, but they finally sat down before the place and invested it.

1694

Zoolfikar Khan, on being deprived of the command by the arrival of the prince, was exceedingly mortified, and even Assud Khan, after the late success of his son at Raigurh, considered the supercession unjust on the part of the emperor, particularly as it was well known that it had been brought about by Joudpooree405, the prince’s mother, and the favourite wife of Aurungzebe.

The Mahratta ministers, who, like all Bramins, are ever on the watch for such opportunities, speedily turned this jealousy, which they foresaw would prove reciprocal, to their own advantage. They courted both, but they first gained Zoolfikar Khan, who entered into a secret compact with Raja Ram for the purpose of obstructing the prince’s measures, which he did, either by thwarting his plans, where the execution depended on himself, or by preparing

Page 378

the besieged to counteract every intended operation406.

The emperor, probably conceiving that his army must draw the Mahrattas southward, moved to Gulgulla407; but Ghorepuray still continued to the northward, and Ramchundur’s parties levied contributions as far east as Sholapoor408. Aurungzebe, finding his feint unsuccessful, brought back his unwieldy host to Brimhapooree, on the Beema, below Punderpoor, where he established his principal depôt, and built a cantonment, in which he held his court; and from that point, the operations of his armies, and the affairs of his empire, were directed for several years409.

1695

The Portuguese about this time had fallen under his displeasure, and war was waged against them in every part where they had settlements in India. Great cruelties were exercised on the defenceless inhabitants subject to that nation in the northern Concan410, but numbers found an asylum in their forts of Damaun and Bassein; at last, the Moghul courtiers, bribed by the viceroy at Goa, represented the advantage of making peace with the Portuguese, for the purpose of procuring cannon in order to reduce the Mahratta forts; a sure way to carry their point, as the emperor’s

Page 379

age and imbecility had become apparent, and to flatter his favourite scheme rendered even the wily Aurungzebe, the dupe of that despicable deceit and artifice, which he had all his life practised on others. A like means was used to pacify him with regard to the English. The ravages of the pirates continued; and as the Moghuls always concluded that one or both the English East India Companies were engaged in these depredations, the emperor, although a considerable revenue was derived from the customs on their trade, would have driven them from the coast, had they not been protected by the fort of Bombay, which, defended by their artillery, was considered impregnable.

1696

One capture, that of the Gunj-Suwaee, the largest of the Moghul ships, proceeding from Surat to Mocha with many pilgrims as passengers, gave particular offence, and occasioned the seizure of the chief at Surat, with several other Englishmen, who were imprisoned for a considerable period, until the affair was adjusted.

In the mean time, years had been already wasted before Ginjee. Suntajee Ghorepuray, after committing great havoc, and defeating or eluding all that were opposed to him in Maharashtra, left two active officers, Pursojee Bhonslay411, and Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, both of whom had served under Sivajee, to give spirit to the Mahrattas in Gungthuree and Berar. With an army of upwards of

Page 380

twenty thousand horse, Suntajee passed to the west of the grand camp by the Satara road, pushed on towards the Carnatic, and as soon as he got within a certain distance of Ginjee, detached about one third of his troops, under Dhunnajee Jadow, who, making rapid marches, brought the first news of his approach, by attacking some of the Moghul posts in the neighbourhood of the fort. Orders were immediately issued to the different small divisions to concentrate and form larger bodies to the right and left; but the Moghuls, always slow to obey, were not aware of the activity of the horse that now attacked them, whilst Dhunnajee, assisted both by troops and signals from the fort, cut in upon them and did great execution before the manoeuvre ordered could be executed412.

Suntajee Ghorepuray, with less haste, brought on the main body of Mahrattas. Upon his arrival at Covrepauk he was opposed by the Foujdar, Ali Murdan Khan, with a considerable army, but the Foujdar was speedily routed, the whole of his baggage and camp-equipage plundered, and he himself, on his flight towards the camp at Ginjee, was overtaken, made prisoner, and released for a high ransom.

The victorious Mahrattas, with their usual activity when successful, beat in the Moghul outposts in every direction; destroyed their foragers, and so completely cut off their communications, that neither supplies nor intelligence could reach them. Reports of the emperor’s illness and death were industriously circulated by the Mahrattas, who

Page 381

then made overtures to Kaum Bukhsh, and proposed to make him emperor. The prince either listened to their proposals, or, at all events, Assud Khan, and his son, affected to believe that he did, and they determined on placing him under restraint. The Mahrattas, apprised of what was going forward, taking advantage of the bustle and dissension, which the circumstance naturally created in the Moghul camp, attacked and harassed them with additional vigour. The personal troops of Kaum Bukhsh refused to fight, all became alarm and uproar; at last the Moghuls burst their cannon, abandoned their batteries, and were in turn besieged in their lines.

Whilst in this situation, and in great distress for supplies, a truce was proposed; from which party it originated seems uncertain, but the probability is, that it came from the Moghuls; an agreement, however, was concluded between Assud Khan and Suntajee. The Moghuls were to be permitted to retire to Wandewash unmolested, and to remain until Assud Khan should receive a reply from the emperor, according to which, it was stipulated that he should abide413.

Aurungzebe, foreseeing all the consequences of this ill-advised proceeding, immediately ordered Assud Khan and the prince to the presence, moved with the grand camp to Beejapoor, and directed Zoolfikar Khan to prosecute the war.

But the siege of Ginjee was not immediately renewed. The Mahrattas were accused of not having

Page 382

observed the truce, because they attempted to cut off a convoy of provisions which the Foujdar of Carnatic Beejapoor was escorting to camp, and which he saved by throwing himself into Covrepauk. Their having retaken Permacoil, and several other forts, was still less justifiable; and Zoolfikar Khan, in order to recover these places, and punish the violation of the agreement, marched to the southward, and repossessed himself of the forts. Continuing his march, he entered into an alliance with the Raja of Trichinopoly, and obliged the Raja of Tanjore, one of the sons of Venkajee, to restore several places wrested from the latter, and to pay a considerable contribution to himself; after this arrangement Zoolfikar Khan recrossed the Coleroon and again sat down before Ginjee414.

The clandestine intercourse was still carried on with Raja Ram415; and it is not improbable, from his desire to protract the siege, that Zoolfikar Khan, upon the demise of the emperor, may have had designs of ultimately establishing an independent government in the Carnatic for himself.

During Zoolfikar Khan’s absence in Tanjore, Suntajee Ghorepuray laid waste the Beejapoor Carnatic. To punish his depredations, a considerable farce was sent off from Beejapoor under different leaders, and being joined by Kasim Khan, Foujdar of the province, the whole were about to march in quest of Suntajee; but their advanced tents had scarcely been pitched when his troops attacked and destroyed the guard, and the Mahrattas were flying

Page 383

about the main body on all sides, before the great men had time to caparison and mount their elephants.

Kasim Khan’s authority did not extend beyond his own troops; the other leaders, as rash as they were destitute of resource, followed their own plans, and each body fought or defended itself as it best could; while the Mahrattas, profiting by their distraction, never ceased harassing them, charging and firing upon them by day, and rocketing them by night. At last, the Moghuls on the third day sought shelter under the walls of the gurhee of Dodairee. There was a small quantity of provisions in the place, which, though sold by the Banians from the top of the walls, at an enormous price, was soon exhausted. This state of privation became intolerable, but they were beaten troops badly commanded, and could not try, by a brave effort, to save themselves. An attempt was made to rescue them, but Suntajee attacked and defeated the party coming to their relief, whilst it was still at a distance, so that the despairing men heard nothing of the effort. In this situation the Moghul officers surrendered. Kasim Khan had served with reputation: he did not survive the disgrace, but took poison and died. The other officers, besides being stripped, had to pay a large ransom for their release, and on their return to the imperial camp, they were divested of their honors, and appointed to distant and inferior commands.

Himmut Khan, the officer who had made the

Page 384

unsuccessful attempt to relieve Dodairee and the son of Khan Jehan Buhadur, being at his own request, reinforced from the grand camp by an army sufficient to cope with the Mahrattas, proceeded in search of Suntajee. He was soon found. The Mahrattas, on being vigorously charged on the plain, fled, and Himmut Khan pursued the fugitives, until they had, according to Mahratta custom, drawn him into difficult and broken ground, when they turned round, attacked in their usual desultory manner, killed Himmut Khan, totally defeated his army, and plundered his baggage.

Suntajee retiring towards Ginjee, was attacked by Zoolfikar Khan, and pursued to a considerable distance. When the latter turned to resume the siege, Suntajee attended him a march in the rear416. This manoeuvre is not unusual with Mahrattas; in the instance alluded to, however, the pursuit was probably a mere feint, as an intimacy subsisted between Zoolfikar Khan and Suntajee, which there is some reason for suspecting that the rivals of the latter afterwards misrepresented to his prejudice.

1697

At Ginjee the same languid operations continued, and the siege at this time would probably have been bloodless, but for the inebriety of Daood Khan, Zoolfikar Khan’s lieutenant, who, when intoxicated, always turned out his men to storm the fort and exterminate the infidels417; these fits only produced frequent skirmishes, but the conduct of Zoolfikar Khan, having at last aroused the suspicion of the emperor, the Khan

Page 385

was privately warned by his friends, that unless he speedily effected the reduction of Ginjee, and the capture of all the principal people, no influence could save him from disgrace and ruin. This information the Moghul general communicated to Raja Ram, and as he was now obliged to press the siege, he connived at a plan for the Raja’s escape, through his relations the Sirkays, who agreed to convey him safe to Vishalgurh, to take charge of his family, and to join him themselves on the first opportunity, provided they received certain hereditary rights, and the town of Dabul in the Concan, in Enam. All these conditions being settled, Raja Ram, by the assistance of the Sirkays, escaped through the Moghul lines, and reached Vellore, where he was received by Mannajee Moray the commandant418.

After remaining there a short time he set off with his conductors for Vishalgurh, where he safely arrived in December.

1698

Ginjee was taken early in January. It was carried by escalade419, and the wives and family of Raja Ram, who had joined him from Rajapoor by sea, were, as preconcerted, made over to the Sirkays as their relations, which Zoolfikar Khan permitted on the Sirkays making a public representation of the loss of honour they should sustain, in case of their female relations being exposed unveiled, or given in charge to persons of another cast. They were shortly after conveyed to Maharashtra.

Zoolfikar Khan ordered many of Raja Ram’s

Page 386

people into perpetual confinement; and although he had acted this deceitful part to screen his treachery from the emperor, many were executed as plunderers and insurgents; amongst others, Naroo Prillhad, the son of Prillhad Neerajee, suffered as a rebel. The Pritee Needhee had died previous to the fall of Ginjee420.

During the preceding year, the main body of the Mahrattas did little against the common enemy. Dissensions had for some time prevailed between Suntajee and Dhunnajee; but by the judicious counsel of the late Pritee Needhee, the Raja had long remained neutral in their quarrel, and thus prevented an open rupture. But after the death of Prillhad Neerajee, Raja Ram had no such prudent monitor. He had for some time smothered his jealousy of Suntajee Ghorepuray, which now uncontrolled, and worked upon by others, gave Ghorepuray an enemy where he had the best right to expect a protector, and Dhunnajee Jadow, encouraged by the Raja, raised a strong faction against him. Nor did Aurungzebe neglect so favorable an, opportunity of practising his favorite policy of creating division among his enemies; he had emissaries among the Mahrattas, who fomented their jealousies, and kept him informed of all that passed.

Suntajee’s army was corrupted, and he had but just time to escape with a few followers from a combined attack made upon him by a part of his own; and Dhunnajee Jadow’s troops. This sedition happened in the neighbourhood of Beejapoor421, parties

Page 387

were sent in pursuit of Suntajee, whilst the main body of the Mahrattas separated. One half accompanied Dhunnajee Jadow into the Carnatic, where Zoolfikar Khan had lately been exerting himself with great success against the smaller detachments of the Mahrattas, and was very anxious to possess Vellore, which he thought would effectually suppress their power in that quarter. The other half of the Mahratta army marched to join the Raja at Satara, which, at the recommendation of Ramchundur Punt, became the seat of government422.

Jenardin Punt having died, the office of Amat was restored to Ramchundur Punt, from which he had been removed by Sivajee, in 1676, to make room for Rugonath Punt Hunwuntay: his late services eminently entitled him to high honour and reward, and his principal carcoon, Shunkrajee Narrain Gaudekur, was raised to the rank of Suchew, which office had become vacant by the retirement of Shunkrajee Mulhar to Benares, during the siege of Ginjee. The appointment of the new Suchew displeased Pureshram Trimbuck, who conceived his claims to that honour greater than those of Shunkrajee Narrain.

Timmojee Rugonath Hunwuntay, the son of the late Jenardin Punt, having effected his escape from prison at Ginjee, in a very dexterous manner; rejoined Raja Ram, by whom, in consequence of his family pretensions and supposed talents, he was raised to the rank of Pritee Needhee.

Page 388

Seedojee Goojur, who died about this period, had been engaged in constant warfare with the Seedee, and with various success; but, by the activity of Kanhojee Angria, the Mahratta fleet had made many valuable prizes. Vessels of all nations were attacked; repeated descents were made along the coast, and few of the defenceless mercantile towns, from Travancore to Bombay, escaped a visit from these depredators. The Mahrattas continued in possession of most of their forts on the coast; they had maritime depots at Severndroog and Viziadroog, but the principal rendezvous of their fleet continued, as in the time of Sivajee, at Kolabah423. The Sawunts, Deshmookhs of Waree, when their districts were not overrun by the Moghuls, adhered to Raja Ram, but the Dessaye of Carwar continued independent, and, as usual under such circumstances, assumed the title of Raja.

Suntajee Ghorepuray, whom we left pursued by parties of his enemies, was hunted from place to place, and had hitherto foiled them all; but Nagojee Manay, Deshmookh of Muswar, stimulated by private revenge, continued the pursuit with unrelenting perseverance; until, having overtaken Suntajee in the act of bathing in a small rivulet to refresh himself, at a moment when he thought his enemies far behind, though alone, tired and defenceless, the assassin rushed down and slew him on the spot. Having severed the head from the body he brought it to the skirts of the imperial camp,

Page 389

and sent it to Aurungzebe. Nagojee shortly after sent a petition for re-admission into the imperial service, which he had entered and quitted in the same manner as all the hereditary officers and Mankurees were in the habit of doing at this period. A free pardon, high encomium, and additional honours were readily bestowed, which proves the acceptable service he had rendered by this murder. Suntajee Ghorepuray was one of the best officers of whom the Mahratta annals can boast, and his eulogy is best recorded when we say he was the terror of the Moghul detachments for seven years.

The death of Suntajee, and the atrocity of the deed brought back many of his followers to a sense of their own ingratitude. His sons Ranoojee and Peerajee, and his nephew Seedojee, who had fled from the army in dread of Dhunnajee, were soon rejoined by a number of Suntajee’s followers, on which they erected their family standard, and began to plunder the Moghul territory on their own account424.

1699

Raja Ram, after he had remained a short time at Satara, proceeded with his army to the northward, where he was joined by Pursajee Bhonslay, Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, Neemajee Sindia, Atowlay Shumsher Buhadur, and other commanders

Page 390

who had, for some time, been plundering in Candeish, Gungthuree, and Berar. The combined armies, which now formed a greater force than Sivajee had ever commanded, proceeded under Raja Ram, who entered Gungthuree, claiming as his established right, the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee. All who submitted to the payment of these demands were protected, and the Moghul garrisons that remained passive spectators were not molested, but such as made unsuccessful opposition were put to the sword. On this occasion the Mahrattas were more systematic in their exactions than they before had been; where they could not obtain ready money they took promissory notes from the Patells, according to the practice first introduced by Sivajee, and in this manner went on, through Nandere, Berar, and Candeish.

When he had nearly completed his tour, Raja Ram left Khundee Rao Dhabaray in Buglana, Neemajee Sindia in Candeish, Pursajee Bhonslay in Berar, and Hybut Rao Nimbalkur in Gungthuree, to collect what they termed the outstanding balances due to the Raja.

Pursajee Bhonslay, when appointed to this duty in Berar, got the title of Sena Sahib Soobeh, and Hybut Rao Nimbalkur was styled Sur Lushkur; both these officers received the Juree Putka, or Golden Pennon, on this occasion. Raja Ram, on his return, attacked Jaulna, which he was plundering, when the Moghul army came suddenly upon him; they attacked and pursued his troops with a vigour and perseverance to which they had of late seldom

Page 391

been unaccustomed425; but to account for their activity on this occasion, we must revert to the proceedings of Zoolfikar Khan and Aurungzebe.

In the Carnatic, affairs under Dhunnajee Jadow had not been prosperous. Zoolfikar Khan, although a corrupt ambitious man, was an active commander, and now the only Moghul officer of whom the Mahrattas stood in any awe. He had repeatedly defeated Dhunnajee, when the emperor, hearing of the march of Raja Ram, sent express orders for Zoolfikar Khan to repair to the cantonment at Brimhapooree. It was then determined, in consultation with Assud Khan, and several of the principal officers, to adopt a new plan of operations, by which, whilst one army attacked the Mahrattas in the field, another was destined for the reduction of their forts. This last the emperor reserved for himself, giving the command of the pursuing army to the Prince Bedar Bukht, the son of Azim Shah, with Zoolfikar Khan as his lieutenant, whose first effort was the attack and pursuit of Raja Ram’s army, to which we have just alluded.

The emperor’s preparations being completed, the cantonment at Brimhapooree was evacuated, much to the regret of the indolent Moghul officers, many of whom had built excellent houses at that station. A depôt was formed under the protection of the Gurhee of Machnoor, which was within the line of the cantonment, and a strong guard was left for its protection. Aurungzebe’s march was nearly due

Page 392

west, and he encamped under the fort of Wussuntgurh, on the twentieth day after quitting the Beema. Batteries were erected, and in three days the garrison surrendered. The emperor named the fort Kuleed-i-futih, or the key of victory, and was much pleased by the event. As Panalla had been unsuccessfully attacked by Moiz-ud-deen, the son of Sultan Mauzum, some years before, the Mahrattas were impressed with an idea of its being about to be besieged, and directed all their preparations towards its defence. But Aurungzebe marched for Satara, a movement wholly unexpected, as the fort was not provisioned for above two months. This neglect was considered a great misfortune, and gave rise to a suspicion, that Ramchundur had purposely left it unprovided; of this suspicion Aurungzebe afterwards took advantage; and when Ramchundur, during the siege, was called away to Singurh in consequence of the illness of Raja Ram, Aurungzebe wrote a letter426 which fell into the hands of Pureshram Trimbuck, and widened a breach that had for some time existed between him and Ramchundur Punt427.

Aurungzebe, on his arrival before Satara, pitched his own tents on the north side of the fort on the site of the present village of Kurinja. Azim Shah was stationed at a village on the west side, which has since retained the name of Shapoor. Shirzee Khan invested the south side, and Turbeeut Khan occupied the eastern quarter; chains of posts between

Page 393

the different camps effectually secured the blockade. The fort of Satara occupies the summit of a hill of moderate height, but very steep; its defences consist of a scarp of upwards of forty feet in perpendicular black rock, on the top of which there is a stone wall. It was defended by Pryagjee Purvoe, Havildar, who had been reared in the service of Sivajee. He vigorously opposed the Moghuls, and disputed every foot of ground as they pushed forward their advanced posts. As soon as they began to gain any part of the hill he withdrew his troops into the fort, and rolled down huge stones from the rock above, which did great execution, and until they could throw up cover, were as destructive as artillery. The blockade, however, was complete, no communication could be held with the country, and as the small stock of grain in the garrison was soon exhausted, the besieged must have been compelled to surrender; but Pureshram Trimbuck, who had thrown himself into the fort of Purlee, purchased the connivance of Azim Shah, and conveyed provisions to the besieged428.

The divisions on the west and south faces erected batteries, but the grand attack was directed against the north-east angle, which assumes nearly the shape of a tower, and is one of the strongest points: the rock being forty-two feet high, and the bastion, now on the top of it, consists of twenty-five feet of masonry, making a total height of sixty-seven feet.

Page 394

1700

Turbeeut Khan undertook to mine this angle, and at the end of four months and a half had completed two mines. So confident were the Moghuls of success that the storming party was ready formed, but concealed, as much as possible, under the brow of the hill, from the view of the garrison. Aurungzebe was invited to view the spectacle, and a stratagem was formed to draw all the garrison towards the bastion, by the emperor’s moving off from that side in grand procession, so that when the match was ready to be applied, hundreds of the Mahrattas, attracted by his splendid retinue, crowded to the rampart, and amongst others Pryagjee the commandant. The first mine was fired, it burst several fissures in the rock, and occasioned so violent a concussion, that a great part of the masonry was thrown inwards, and crushed many of the garrison in its ruins. The storming party, in their eagerness, advanced nearer; the match was applied to the train of the second and larger mine, but, being improperly constructed, it burst outwards, with a dreadful explosion, and upwards of two thousand of the Moghuls are said to have been destroyed on the spot. Pryagjee, the Mahratta commandant, was buried in the ruins by the first explosion, close to a temple dedicated to the goddess Bhowanee, but was afterwards dug out alive. His escape was considered a happy omen, and under other circumstances might have been of much consequence in animating the Hindoo garrison to prolong the defence, but Azim Shah could no longer be induced to connive at the transport of the grain; proposals

Page 395

for surrendering were therefore made through him, and the honor of the capture, which he so ill-merited, was not only assigned to him, but the place received his name, and was called by the emperor Azim Tara.

Satara surrendered about the middle of April, and Purlee was immediately invested; the siege lasted till the beginning of June, when, after a good defence, the garrison evacuated it. The south-west monsoon having set in with all its usual violence, the Moghul army, from a total want of arrangement, was exposed to considerable distress and hardship before the camp could be moved to a distance from the hills. After much loss, both of baggage and of lives, the army reached Kowauspoor, on the banks of the Maun, where the rains are comparatively light429.

In the meantime a great change had taken place in the Mahratta government. Raja Ram, when the Punt Amat was called to see him, had just returned from Jaulna, having experienced a long and fatiguing pursuit from Zoolfikar Khan. He was suffering from a spitting of blood and inflammation of the lungs, brought on by violent exertion during this retreat. After lingering about thirty days, his illness proved mortal: he expired in the fort of Singurh, about the middle of March, a month before the fall of Satara430.

The ruin of Suntajee Ghorepuray is the only

Page 396

crime which stains the memory of Raja Ram. But that alone is of magnitude, and if we admit as an excuse that he was worked upon by the enemies of Suntajee, the weakness of the man but detracts from the virtues of the prince. He possessed some share of the military enterprize of his father, but he had no genius for civil government; his measures were ably directed by Prillhad Neerajee, who appears to have been a very uncommon person, and, in his total disregard of self-interest, is almost a singular instance amongst Bramin statesmen. Raja Ram was naturally mild in his disposition, addicted to no vices, and was distinguished by uncommon liberality to his followers.

The death of Raja Ram, although the news was received in the emperor’s camp at Satara with great rejoicing, produced no event favourable to the subjugation of the Mahrattas. The Raja left two sons: the elder, named Sivajee, by Tara Bye Mohitey, was ten years old at the time of his father’s death; and the younger, named Sumbhajee, by Rajis Bye Ghatgay, was in his third year.

Tara Bye, with the assistance of Ramchundur Punt Amat, Shunkrajee Narrain, and Dhunnajee Jadow Senaputtee, immediately assumed the reins of government, and her son, Sivajee, having been seated on the gadee, or cushion of state, Rajis Bye, with the general consent, was placed in confinement.

Timmojee Rugonath being found unfit for his high station, Pureshram Trimbuck was raised by Tara Bye to the rank of Pritee Needhee, and received general charge of all the forts. This preferment

Page 397

excited much jealousy on the part of Ramchundur Punt, who does not appear to have been aware that there were suspicions of his fidelity; but the decided tone and conduct of Tara Bye obliged him to appear reconciled to the measure. Tara Bye did not fix her residence in any fort, but moved about according to circumstances. Dhunnajee Jadow took to the open field: confining his operations to no particular part of the country, he spread his horse in every quarter and performed many signal exploits. Nimbalkur, Bhonslay, and Dhabaray likewise distinguished themselves in the same manner, whilst Thorat, Chowan, Sindia, Powar, Atowlay, and various other chiefs, headed large bodies of troops in different directions, and levied tribute under the various heads of Chouth, Surdeshmookhee, and Ghas-dana431: the last mentioned item of Ghas-dana was generally considered the personal perquisite of the chief:

Contrasted with the splendour of the Moghul camp already described, we may view the horde accompanying one of these freebooters:– Different from the organized bands of Sivajee, but still more destructive to a country, an irregular assembly of several thousand horsemen, united by preconcerted agreement, in some unfrequented part of the country. They set off with little provision, no baggage except the blanket on their saddles, and no animals but led horses, with bags prepared for the reception of their plunder. If they halted during a part of the night, like the Pindharees of

Page 398

modern times, they slept with their bridles in their hands; if in the day, whilst the horses were fed and refreshed, the men reposed with little or no shelter from the scorching heat, excepting such as might be occasionally found under a bush or a tree; and during that time their swords were laid by their sides, and their spears were generally at their horses’ heads stuck in the ground; when halted on a plain, groups of four or five might be seen stretched on the bare earth sound asleep, their bodies exposed to the noon-day sun, and their heads in a cluster, under the precarious shade of a black blanket or tattered horse-cloth extended on the point of their spears. The great object of this class was plunder; and the leaders and their troops, though they generally rendered a partial account to the head of the state, dissipated or embezzled the greater part of their collections.

The Mankurees began to profess obedience to the descendant of Sivajee, and sometimes joined his standard; but they always plundered on their own account when an opportunity offered. The Ghorepurays committed great devastations along the eastern confines of Maharashtra, from the Godavery to the Kistna. The revenues raised by the emperor in the Deccan had become very inconsiderable, and, to support his army and the splendour of his court, he drew vast treasures from Hindoostan; caravans after caravans were poured into the Deccan, – the Mahrattas frequently intercepted them, and the imperial troops on many occasions behaved in the most dastardly manner.

The victories and marches of Zoolfikar Khan,

Page 399

as detailed in Persian manuscripts, are scarcely credible; but, on the testimony of his enemies, he is justly entitled to very great merit for his indefatigable exertions, at a time when so few of the Moghul officers discovered the smallest talent or energy. Public virtue was unknown amongst them, and they were corrupt, slothful, and indifferent. One cause of this general debasement was the great age and increasing infirmities of the emperor, and the character of his sons. The prospect was full of trouble. Men paused at the threshold of a period which must open with great commotion, and seemed rather inclined to reserve energy for the coming struggle, than to exert themselves in the tiresome endless warfare in which they were engaged.

1701

The reign of Aurungzebe, however, was prolonged beyond all expectation, and the old man persevered to the last in his fruitless endeavours to stifle Mahratta independence. During the ensuing four years, he was almost entirely occupied in the siege of the forts, and in that period he successively reduced Panalla, Vishalgurh, Singurh, Poorundhur, Rajgurh, and Torna432. Chundun, Wundun, and Pandoogurh were also surrendered to his officers. But in the meantime, the Mahrattas multiplied.

1702

In 1702 they levied contributions from Surat and Burhanpoor, and extended their operations every year.

Page 400

1705

Wherever the demands of Chouth and Surdeshmookhee were promptly acknowledged, they carefully refrained from plundering. In 1705 the emperor received accounts, almost at the same time, of their having crossed the Nerbuddah in great force, and extended their ravages to the heart of Malwa; that the whole of Candeish and Berar were overrun; and that fifteen thousand Mahrattas had broken into Guzerat433, defeated the troops of the assembled Foujdars, and that nothing appeared but slaughtered soldiers, house-less ryots, and the ripened fields in devastation or flames.

On this intelligence, great preparations were made, Zoolfikar Khan was sent after the body in Malwa, Ghazee-ud-deen was appointed Soobehdar of Berar, and Azim Shah despatched to Ahmedabad to take charge of the government of Guzerat. Each had a considerable army, and it was hoped, from the character of the generals, that these countries would soon be cleared.

But these apparently vigorous efforts of the government were unsubstantial; there was motion and bustle, without zeal or efficacy: the empire was unwieldy, its system relaxed, and its officers were corrupt beyond all example. It was inwardly decayed, and ready to fall to pieces as much by its own irrecoverable weakness, as by the corroding power of the Mahrattas, whom the Mahomedan wars had trained, and their imbecility now allured to that predatory life to which the natives of Maharashtra are prone; as yet, however, their plundering hordes

Page 401

did not comprehend that they were conquerors. A general sentiment pervaded the whole body of Hindoo population in the Mahratta country, but it was not so actively excited as to create a general union, for a purpose so exalted, as that of throwing off a foreign yoke, and vindicating their civil and religious liberties. There was a common sympathy, but there was no common effort; their military spirit was not so much excited by patriotism as by plunder, and those who enjoyed greater advantages under the Moghuls, in consequence of the struggle, than they were likely to do by the establishment of the independence of their country, eagerly desired a continuation of the war.

Many of the Moghul officers, in charge of districts, were in the pay of both parties, and likewise wished that the existing confusion might continue. Parties of Mahrattas in the service of the Moghuls, met, rioted and feasted with their countrymen, and at parting, or when passing within hearing of each other, they used to mock the Mahomedans by uttering an Ulhumdulillah434, and praying for long life to the glorious Alumgeer435.

Page 402

Upon the reduction of Rajgurh and Torna, the emperor, after halting some months near Joonere, finally quitted the neighbourhood of Poona, of

Page 403

which place he had also changed the name to Moyabad, and marched towards Beejapoor.

Some of the Moghul officers were anxious to

Page 404

negotiate a peace; and the favourite son of the emperor, Kaum Bukhsh, whose plans were early directed to the establishment of an independent kingdom at Beejapoor, and who in his views seems always to have had some injudicious scheme of conciliating the Mahrattas, by admitting a part of their claim, now contrived to obtain the emperor’s consent for opening a negotiation with Dhunnajee Jadow.

Overtures were first begun by proposals for releasing Shao, the son of Sumbhajee. The negotiation proceeded, and Aurungzebe had, for a few days, been brought to consent to the payment of ten per cent. of the whole revenue of the six Soobehs of the Deccan, as Surdeshmookhee, for which the Mahrattas were to engage to maintain order with a body of horse. On the news of this concession, the Mahrattas, who notwithstanding their predatory character, are, at all times, exceedingly eager to have any right formally recognised, flocked to Dhunnajee’s camp. Their expectations rose with their assembled numbers; but their increasing insolence; their tone changed from supplication to demand; their near approach to the camp, and their stipulating for honorary dresses to seventy principal officers among them, entitled to that

Page 405

distinction from the emperor, led Aurungzebe to suspect treachery as well as insult. He therefore broke off the negotiation and recalled his ambassador, who was attacked soon after he left the Mahratta camp, a circumstance which confirmed the emperor in his opinion436. Aurungzebe seems to have returned to the eastward, from an apprehension that the disorders prevalent in Maharashtra were likely to spread over Telingana and the Carnatic, but although there were partial disorders occasioned by Beruds in the one, and Pindharees in the other, the inhabitants of those countries are a very different race, and were less prone to those habits of predatory enterprize, which had long distinguished the natives of Maharashtra. The people of the Carnatic are not unwarlike: in bodily frame, they are at least as robust as the Mahrattas, and at this period a great part of the emperor’s infantry were men raised in that country. Banditti, however, started up in various parts, and so daring had their chiefs become, that some of them carried on an open traffic for the goods plundered by their gangs. The independent Mahratta chiefs, particularly the Ghorepurays, had of late years committed constant ravages about Beejapoor, Kulburga, and Beder437. Pemnaik, the Naik of Wakinkerah, although repeatedly compelled by the imperial generals to pay large fines, no sooner saw the Moghul troops retire to a distance, than he recommenced every species of rapine. The Mahrattas maintained a good understanding with this chief, and

Page 406

Dhunnajee Jadow, whilst the emperor was besieging the forts in the Syhadree mountains, lodged his family in Wakinkerah, as affording greater security than any other place. The power of the Naik had become so formidable, that the emperor, after his arrival at Beejapoor, judged it necessary to proceed against him in person438.

Wakinkerah was merely a fortified town, but the siege lasted many months: Pemnaik defended himself with resolution, drove back the Moghul advanced posts, whilst Dhunnajee Jadow perpetually harassed their camp. The imperial officers had become so dastardly, and the troops so shameless, that the mere appearance of Dhunnajee’s cavalry made them turn to flight439.

The best officers were at a distance. Zoolfikar Khan was directed to join, and a like order was sent to Daood Khan in the Carnatic440. The former had returned to Aurungabad, after driving Neemajee Sindia from Malwa, and as the Mahrattas had been principally employed to the northward, the Carnatic had not been infested by large bodies of them for several years. The important fortress of Vellore was surrendered in 1704, by Mannajee Moray to Daood Khan441, for which Moray was

Page 407

promised a Munsub by the emperor, but he never came to demand it, having on his return to Maharashtra, gone off to join his countrymen. Daood Khan left Sadut Oolla Khan as his Naik or deputy in both Carnatics, and arrived in the emperor’s camp shortly after Zoolfikar Khan. They were both officers of courage and experience, they attacked the place with resolution, and the town of Wakinkerah was evacuated, after the environs had been stormed and taken, with heavy loss on both sides442.

The Mahrattas, in the meantime, were plundering the open country in every direction, Ramchundur, Punt Amat, had particularly distinguished himself by retaking Panalla and Pawungurh by escalade. Tara Bye, on this event, determined to reside at Panalla, and admitted Ramchundur Punt to a very large share of power. Pureshram Trimbuck, the Pritee Needhee, had retaken Wussuntgurh and Satara. The latter was surprised by the artifice of a Bramin named Annajee Punt. This man had escaped from prison at Ginjee, and assumed the character of a mendicant devotee. Having fallen in with a party of Moghul infantry marching to relieve the garrison of Satara, he amused them with stories and songs, obtained alms from them, and so ingratiated himself with all, that they brought him with them, admitted him into the fort, and, on account of the amusement he afforded, allowed him to live there. Annajee Punt had formerly been a carcoon of Mawulee infantry, and soon saw the practicability

Page 408

of surprising the place, if assisted by a few of his old acquaintances. He patiently watched his opportunity, informed Pureshram Trimbuck of his design, and having introduced a body of Mawulees into the fort, the enterprising, but remorseless Bramin put every man of the garrison to the sword.

Shunkrajee Narrain Suchew did not remain inactive; as soon as the Moghul troops withdrew from that part of the country, of which he was the chief manager, he retook Singurh, Rajgurh, Rohira, and some other places. The Moghul garrisons were composed of a large proportion of Carnatic infantry; and these men, latterly, could not be brought to stand the onset of the Mawulees.

The loss of these forts, particularly Singurh and Panalla, gave Aurungzebe great vexation, and augmented an illness under which he laboured, and from which he recovered very slowly.

Zoolfikar Khan was sent to retake Singurh, and previous to his departure, the emperor committed Shao to his charge. Zoolfikar Khan, partly from hatred to Kaum Bukhsh, bitterly inveighed against the overtures that had been made for peace, and Aurungzebe was equally conscious of the error; yet, with some design of releasing Shao, he now had recourse to the half measure of causing letters to be written to the Mahrattas from Shao as their lawful prince, inviting them to submit. Had he released him at once, a division would probably have taken place amongst the Mahrattas. Under any circumstances, the other expedient was unwise, but particularly inconsistent in Aurungzebe, as it was, in effect, acknowledging the legitimacy of Sivajee’s

Page 409

government, and consequently admitting the injustice of Sumbhajee’s execution. The result was, as might have been expected, of no avail.

Zoolfikar Khan was successful in obtaining possession of Singurh, owing to the want of supplies; but as soon as he retired, it was as speedily retaken by Shunkrajee Narrain, from the same cause. The grand army moving towards Ahmednugur, was attacked by the Mahrattas on the march, a great part of it was defeated, and had the Mahrattas improved an advantage which they gained, the emperor of the Moghuls, their inveterate foe, Aurungzebe, would have been a prisoner in their hands. It is curious to observe how the Moghul writers undesignedly record their own humiliation on this occasion, by dwelling upon this fortunate escape with abundant self-congratulation. The character of the imperial army was in some degree retrieved by the gallant charge of Khan Alum, a brave officer, whom, under the name of Ikhlass Khan, we have seen so active at the capture of Sumbhajee.

1707

Aurungzebe arrived at Ahmednugur, and on pitching his camp on the same spot which it had occupied in such splendour twenty one years before, he predicted that his end was near, by observing that he had this day finished his campaigns, and that his last earthly journey was completed. The contrast between his former and his present circumstances, is remarkable; but when we also reflect on the intervening events, we have not merely a striking picture, but a curious history of the growth of predatory power, and of the means by which it was nurtured. Aurungzebe

Page 410

had only three surviving sons, Sultan Mauzum, or Shah Alum, governor of Cabul, Azim Shah, and Kaum Bukhsh. Azim Shah joined his father at this period, and was appointed to the government of Malwa; Kaum Bukhsh, was appointed to Beejapoor, and was immediately sent to take charge of his new government.

In the meantime, Zoolfikar Khan, who continued pursuing and attacking the Mahrattas, had gone off across the Kistna to aid the son and nephew of his old opponent Suntajee Ghorepuray, who had been attacked by Dhunnajee Jadow, in consequence of their having plundered in some of Tara Bye’s districts.

21 February 1707

Zoolfikar Khan had assisted the Ghorepurays and driven off Dhunnajee, when news reached him that the emperor had died at Ahmednugur on the 21st February 1707 (28th Zeekaad, A.H. 1118). He therefore immediately suspended operations, and marched with all expedition to join the Deccan army, which fell under the command of Azim Shah, the prince nearest to the grand camp.

In regard to the character of Aurungzebe, the facts connected with the rise of the Mahrattas are sufficient to prove, that from the time he usurped the throne, there is nothing in his conduct which deserves the high encomium which has in general been bestowed on his talents and government. Previous to his elevation, he displayed very considerable ability; together with an iniquity almost unparalleled. His boundless ambition was concealed by deep dissimulation, and his boldness was equal to his hypocrisy. His success in placing

Page 411

the diadem of Hindoostan on his own head, after overcoming his powerful rivals; his literary acquirements; his attention to business; and the simplicity of his personal habits, amidst a court so remarkable for splendour and magnificence, gave a tone to general opinion amongst his contemporaries, which his subsequent misconduct and misrule could not entirely efface. He was ambitious of a character for wisdom; and his low craft and mean policy are partly ascribable to this weakness. His greatest political error was the overthrow of Beejapoor and Golcondah, instead of applying their resources to the suppression of predatory power. His suspicion and bigotry, his presumption and obstinacy, alike tended to prevent the tranquillization of that tumult, of which his own measures were a principal cause; whilst his pomp weakened the efficiency of his armies, and exhausted the finances which should have maintained his wars.

Footnotes

394. The orange standard of the Mahrattas. This colour, as already mentioned, is sacred to Mahdeo, and the flag carried religious as well as Military feeling along with it.

395. Mahratta MSS.

396. Some of the Mahrattas, jealous of the right of the elder branch, do not admit that Raja Ram ever sat on the throne. They say that he sat on the gadee, or cushion, merely as regent, holding the powers of the state in trust for his nephew, Shao, then a prisoner in the Moghul camp.

397. Mahratta MSS. Khafee Khan.

398. In the course of my official duties, after the late conquest of Maharashtra, I have had some of these very deeds, which neither Raja Ram, nor any of his successors admitted, presented, in hopes that they would be recognised by the British government.

399. Mahratta MSS.

400. By the proceedings of a Punchayet respecting the Deshmookhee of Waee, during the early part of the reign of Shao, which may be considered a very authentic and useful manuscript, and is now in possession of the Hindoo Deshmookh, it appears, that Peesal, the Mawulee commander, came over to Raja Ram, during the siege of Ginjee, but failing afterwards in obtaining all he wished, again rejoined Aurungzebe, and became a Mussulman to gain his end.

401. I believe he was the ancestor of the Nabob of Kurnool.

402. Khafee Khan, and Scott’s Deccan.

403. It is not known what was the stratagem proposed which pleased Suntajee so much, and which he executed so successfully.

404. Mahratta MSS., partly confirmed by Khafee Khan and Scott’s Deccan.

405. I had fallen into the mistake of my predecessors, by writing the name Oudepooree; but I learn from my friend Major Tod, the best authority for information respecting the Rajpoots, that she was not a princess of Oudepoor, but of Kishengurh, a minor division of Joudpoor; and that the name, by which she was known, was Joudpooree.

406. Mahratta MSS.

407. Khafee Khan. Scott’s Deccan.

408. Mahratta MSS.

409. Mahratta MSS. Original papers. Khafee Khan. Scott’s Deccan.

410. From local usage on the west of India, we are in the habit of applying the designations of northern and southern Concan to the Colman north and south of Bombay.

411. He was originally a common Sillidar, and a Wutundar of the village of Dewoor, near Satara, where he was born. This person was the ancestor of the Rajas of Nagpoor. In one manuscript, he is said to have been a native of the village of Hingunberdee, near Poona.

412. Scott’s Deccan. Khafee Khan. Mahratta MSS.

413. Scott’s Deccan. Mahratta MSS.

414. Scott’s Deccan.

415. Mahratta MSS.

416. Khafee Pan. Scott’s Deccan. Mahratta MSS.

417. Wilks.

418. Mahratta MSS., and English Records.

419. Khafee Khan, and Scott’s Deccan.

420. Mahratta MSS.

421. Khafee Khan.

422. Mahratta MSS.

423. Mahratta MSS. Bombay Records.

424. Mahratta MSS., and an account of the Ghorepuray family, received from the late Jeswunt Rao Ghorepuray, Umeer Ool Oomrah, which was originally compiled for the late Sir Barry Close. I likewise received a history of the Ghorepuray family, from the late Mr. Thackeray, which I lodged with the Literary Society of Bombay.

425. Mahratta MSS., and original papers, both in Persian and Mahratta.

426. Copy of the original, in possession of the Raja of Kolapoor.

427. Mahratta MSS.

428. Mahratta MSS.

429. Khafee Khan, and Mahratta MSS.

430. Mahratta MSS. Mr. Orme, who is often on the borders of truth, without being rewarded as his research deserved, mentions this as the manner of Sivajee’s death.

431. Mahratta MSS.

432. Torna was escaladed in the night, and carried sword in hand, by Uman Oolah Khan, the only officer who particularly distinguished himself in these sieges. Khafee Khan says, all the rest of the forts were obtained by bribing the Killidars.

433. Khafee Khan, Scott’s Deccan, and Mahratta MSS.

434. A common exclamation of the Mahomedans, signifying, “Praise be to God.”

435. Mahratta MSS., and original Mahratta and Persian letters. It is unnecessary to acquaint most of my readers, that Alumgeer, or “Conqueror of the world,” was the title assumed by Aurungzebe on his accession, but I have followed the example of my predecessors in Deccan history, and have retained his own name.

The following translation, from an original Persian letter, throws considerable light on the state of the country about this period. It bears no date, but from several circumstances, is evidently written when Aurungzebe was besieging Panalla or Vishalgurh. It fell into my hands, amongst several bundles of original Persian letters and papers, belonging to a Bramin’s family, and I was at some pains to ascertain its history. The writer of the letter, was a Bramin, who had been very active in assisting the Moghuls to reduce the country in 1688–89. In consequence of his services, he had been dignified with the titles of Raja and Maharaja (these titles are still enjoyed by his descendants; this Bramin family is the only one in Maharashtra, in which the practice of secluding the women exists.), and appointed to the revenue management of the district of Kuttao. During the absence of Puddajee Ghatgay Deshmookh, who had gone abroad to plunder at the time, this Bramin got temporary charge of the valuable Deshmookhee claims of Boodh and Mullaoree: however, upon the return and submission of the Deshmookh, he lost these advantages, but retained charge of the fort of Booshengurh, the management of that district, and the village of Kuttao, which last, his posterity enjoy in Enam, to this day. Puddajee Ghatgay was placed under his surveillance. This letter, either never sent, or afterwards recovered, is written from Kuttao, to a Moghul officer in charge of the province, but at that time collecting a convoy of grain at Phultun and Barramuttee, to be conveyed to the grand camp.

After compliments: “Your letter has been received, wherein you mention your intention of proceeding to Nubhee Shahdroog (Panalla), and forwarding the grain to camp, and that the Thanna of Mulcapoor has been plundered, of which you desire to have correct intelligence. The same thieves have cut off all supplies from the Thanna of Kurar, by which that place is much distressed. The names of the thieves are, Mandoo Rao (Pureshram’s brother), Tookhoo Mulhar, Sunta Nandhera, Lingoo Manay, Bhala Ghatgay, Shahjee Nimbalkur, and others. They have ten thousand horse, and are now near this place, between Ound and Korygaom. Oosman Khan, who was proceeding from the presence to join you, was furnished by me with one hundred horse, and one hundred infantry, but he has been obliged to remain here (in Kuttao), and cannot advance.

“The thieves find shelter in Mortizabad, and various other districts, from whence they sally forth, and plunder. Once or twice I have sent parties after them, and have cut them up. By the connivance of Foujdars, Jagheerdars, and Krorees, who all share with them, these people are protected. On this head, I have made representations to Court, and have even obtained mace-bearers, and made them produce the stolen articles: these people therefore are all inimical to me. Regarding the thieves, I have further sent for intelligence, and if we are sufficiently strong, you and I can unite, and attack them. Meer Lootf Oolah has written, that your favour is very great towards me, and therefore, it is now generally known that our friendship is great, and of long standing. You must know, that Puddajee, the Thannadar of Boodh, has given his sister to ___ [Indistinct in the original.], and thus formed a connection with him; he actually went to Ound, when the thieves were there, taking with him Beeroo Bye, the mother of Shao Nimbalkur; they eat out of the same plate together; he was feasted by them, and they by him, for three days, during which they had great rejoicing. It is your province to watch over and guard the king’s garrisons. The imperial army is now within twenty kos of us. What will it be when they move to a distance, and what may we not expect? If you do not believe this representation, send your own spies to ascertain the truth of it. Until you seize and confine all such offenders, how can we ever expect to suppress them? You should restore charge of the Boodh and Mullaoree districts to me, from whence I have been displaced, and if you approve of the application, forward it to Court.”

Underneath there is written, evidently a private postscript. “I have had a secret interview with Mandoo Rao, Pureshram’s brother, and I told him, that if Pureshram give up Kelneh, and visit the Emperor, he will certainly be put to death, and that nothing is now to be apprehended, as the rains are at hand. Mandoo Rao has written this to Pureshram.”

436. Khafee Khan.

437. Scott’s Deccan. Khafee Khan. Mahratta MSS.

438. Khafee Khan. Scott’s Deccan.

439. The Mahrattas say, that when a horse refused to drink, and started at his own shadow, it was a common joke amongst the Moghuls, to ask him why he was afraid, “One would think you saw Dhunnajee in the water.” This anecdote is recorded by Mr. Scott Waring.

440. Scott’s Deccan. Khafee Khan.

441. Original Firman from Aurungzebe to Mannajee Moray, in possession of his descendants.

442. Khafee Khan. Scott’s Deccan.

This collection transcribed by Chris Gage
hosted by ibiblio Support Wikipedia