Transcriber note: This chapter was designated as the first of two instances of Chapter XV, and will be published here as Chapter XIV.
Plans of Nizam Ool Moolk for consolidating his own power, and of creating dissensions among the Mahrattas – Negotiates with Shao, through the Pritee Needhee, and obtains the relinquishment of the Chouth, in the neighbourhood of Hyderabad – The agreement disapproved of by the Peishwa – Nizam Ool Moolk prosecutes his plans, by endeavouring to revive the feud between Shao and Sumbhajee – frustrated by the Peishwa – war – Able conduct of Bajee Rao – forces Nizam Ool Moolk into terms. Negotiations with Sur Booland Khan – Bajee Rao obtains grants of the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee for Guzerat – Proceedings of Sumbhajee, Raja of Kola-poor – he is defeated by the Pritee Needhee – Treaty between the Mahrattas of Satara and Kolapoor – War between the Peishwa and the Senaputtee – Battle of Dhuboy – Bajee Rao victorious, and Dhabaray slain – Nizam Ool Moolk diverts the Peishwa’s attack from his own, to the imperial territories – Agreement between the Peishwa and the Senaputtee relative to Guzerat – Abhee Sing, Raja of Joudpoor, appointed to supersede Sur Booland Khan – Policy of Nizam Ool Moolk – Bajee Rao proceeds to Malwa – War in Guzerat, between Peelajee Gaekwar and Abhee Sing – the latter sends emissaries on pretence of negotiating – Peelajee is assassinated – The Peishwa is called to the assistance of the Raja Chitoor Sal, in Bundelcund – forces Mohummud Khan Bun-gush into a fort – Bundelcund evacuated by the Moghuls – Territory granted to Bajee Rao as a reward – Raja Jey Sing appointed governor of Malwa – concludes an agreement with Bajee Rao, and concedes the government to him.
The declining empire of the Moghuls having been thrown into a state of great anarchy by Nizam Ool Moolk, and his countrymen, the Tooranee Moghuls, the Nizam,
relieved from immediate apprehensions from Mohummud Shah, became alarmed at the spreading power of the Mahrattas, and beheld, in their systematic and persevering encroachments on the divided revenue of the Deccan and Carnatic, the extinction of his own resources as well as those of the empire. To avert these evils, by endeavouring to consolidate his own power, and to create divisions among the Mahrattas, the measures which he adopted seem to have been planned with considerable skill; but in forming designs, founded on the character of the people, he overlooked the abilities of his opponent, nor contemplated that he should, in pursuit of his own schemes, only strengthen the power of the Peishwa.
Since the battle of Shukurkhera, Nizam Ool Moolk had fixed his eye on Hyderabad, the ancient capital of the Kootub Shahee kings, as fittest for the seat of government of the independent sovereignty which he himself had founded; and it was very desirable to remove the Mahratta collectors from that quarter, on any terms. Although Nizam Ool Moolk had confirmed the imperial grants in Shao’s favour, a great deal of what was yielded was not actually given up; numerous points remained unadjusted; Shao’s part of the agreement, to prevent plundering, was not fulfilled, and constant discussions were the consequence. A new authority, for a part of the old Mahratta territory, was granted by Nizam Ool Moolk, which particularly specified the fixed personal Jagheers that Shao agreed to exempt from sequestration. Jagheer assignments in the old territory, about
Poona, which the Nizam had given to Rumbhajee Nimbalkur, one of the disaffected officers who had joined him, were exchanged for new grants to the eastward, about Kurmulla; a measure on the part of Nizam Ool Moolk, particularly conciliatory to Shao. After this, a settlement was concluded517, through the Pritee Needhee, by which Shao agreed to relinquish the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee, in the neighbourhood of Hyderabad; an equivalent in money was to be paid for the former, and for the latter, Shao received some Jagheer territory, near Indapoor, of which district he was an hereditary Deshmookh518; a Jagheer in Berar was conferred on the Pritee Needhee. Nizam Ool Moolk had thus effected his first object by negotiation, but the exchange met with the decided disapprobation of Bajee Rao, who was ever an enemy to consolidation of the nature in question; and disputes ran so high, between him and the Pritee
Needhee, that Nizam Ool Moolk, encouraged by appearances, And the support and alliance of Chunderseyn Jadow, Rao Rumbha, Nimbalkur519 Jagheerdar of Barsee, and Sumbhajee, Raja of Kolapoor, resolved to complete the design he had formed. With this view, he proposed to espouse the cause of Sumbhajee, and to endeavour to create a complete division in Shao’s government, by reviving the former feuds between Shao and Sumbhajee. His connection with Dhabaray and Peelajee Gaekwar;, his hopes of finding, through the Raja Geerdhur, employment for the Peishwa’s officers in Malwa; and the boasted superiority of his own troops, were strong inducements for making the attempt.
Nizam Ool Moolk commenced, by a formal hearing of the claims of Sumbhajee, in a demand made for an equal division of the revenue; and, according to a prevalent custom in the Deccan, he sequestrated the property in dispute, by removing the collectors of the Surdeshmookhee, and displacing the Mokassadars of Shao, until their respective rights should be equitably adjusted. Assuming this privilege as viceroy, he pretended to become the friend and arbiter of both parties; but Bajee Rao was not to be duped by the old artifice of engaging the Mahratta cousins in an hereditary dispute, and quickly turned the Nizam’s weapons to his own advantage; for Shao, true to
the inherent feeling of a Mahratta, of whom, even, amongst the peasantry, the mildest men often became the most violent of human beings when the possession of wutun is concerned, and who, for some time, had been reconciled to Nizam Ool Moolk, was at once, on hearing of this interference, aroused to implacable resentment against, him, and for the time, against all who had formerly vindicated or now dared to justify his conduct. He looked to. Bajee Rao for counsels and for vengeance; for these he would have bartered life, and for these he now virtually sold the supremacy of his empire. He, at first, was determined to march in person, but it was represented that, such a procedure would place him on an equality with Sumbhajee, of Kolapoor; whereas, none but the emperor was worthy of contending with the king of the Hindoos. Full powers were therefore delegated to Bajee Rao; and the great influence which the Peishwa had acquired, may be observed in the promptitude with which many of the most unruly and factious of the Sillidar families willingly gathered round the standard of the nation.
Nizam Ool Moolk perceived his mistake, and sought to amend it by writing to Shao and the Pritee Needhee, that he was solely actuated by a wish to benefit the Raja, in order to prevent the usurpation of the Concanee Bramins, by whose creatures every situation was filled; that the Mokassadars, and collectors of the Surdeshmookhee had been replaced by others belonging to the Raja’s relation, Sumbhajee, whom he had appointed the Raja’s deputy, as Surdeshmookh of the six Soobehs
of the Deccan; and that the Raja, when freed from the control the Bramins alluded to, might afterwards appoint agents entirely of his own selection. But the animosity of Shao, worked up to the highest pitch by the Peishwa’s representations, was not to be appeased by offers, which, under the colouring given to them by Bajee Rao, only added insult to injury. Both parties, therefore, prepared to attack each other, as soon as the rains should subside and enable their horse to cross the rivers.
Nizam Ool Moolk awaited the junction of his allies. Bajee Rao was first in the field, and laid waste the district of Jaulna before the Moghul army was prepared to oppose him. Early in the month of November, the Mahrattas were attacked by Ewuz Khan, at the head of the Nizam’s advanced force; Bajee Rao partially engaged him, but retired, first towards Mahoor, then returned rapidly towards Aurungabad; without stopping to plunder, he gave out that Burhanpoor should be reduced to ashes, and marched on to Candeish, laying waste the country in his route. Ewuz Khan, followed by Nizam Ool Moolk, pursued him, in order to save Burhanpoor. Bajee Rao, as soon as the pursuing army with all their equipments had passed the Ajunta Ghaut, sent a party towards Burhanpoor, wheeled off with the main body to his left, and proceeded with great speed to Guzerat, where he not only plundered, but taking advantage of Nizam Ool Moolk’s notorious duplicity, and the enmity subsisting between him and Sur Boolund khan, he caused it to be believed by the latter, that the Nizam was the supporter of
his invasion; a rumour which gained strength, by accounts of the approach of the latter towards Surat. Nizam Ool Moolk, after being misled, losing some time at Burhanpoor, and fruitlessly following the Peishwa, at last perceived his error, retraced his steps to the Deccan, and determined to destroy Poona. But he had not reached Ahmednugur, when Bajee Rao, having passed the Karsarbharee Ghaut, totally destroyed the districts of Gandapoor and Byzapoor, which, from former tenure, or the late exchanges, were wholly Jagheer. Nizam Ool Moolk recrossed the Godavery, when the Peishwa, after some days skirmishing, drew him into a situation favourable to his purpose, set fire to the grass, destroyed the forage, and effectually straitened his supplies.
The Mahrattas suffered severely by the fire of the artillery, but they cut off such detached parties as they could overpower, and drove off the draught cattle. At last, in some broken ground, around which, for several miles, there was no water, the Mahrattas completely surrounded the Nizam’s army, and so effectually impeded his march, that night closed before he could extricate himself from his embarrassing situation. Nizam Ool Moolk had foreseen that this species of warfare would be practised, and in entering upon the campaign, expected that the part of light troops should be performed by his associates. He had reproached them with their want of vigour, and recommended their adopting the same system against their countrymen, as Bajee Rao was practising. But Chunderseyn Jadow represented, that
most of his troops were Moghuls; and Sumbhajee acknowledged, not only that his numbers were inadequate, but that he suspected his carcoons were in league with the enemy. There is something explanatory of the nature of the alliance, and characteristic of the Mahratta; in Sumbhajee’s requesting, at the conclusion of an interview, to say a word in private to Nizam Ool Moolk, and then begging of him, “not to give the money, on account of the subsidy, to his carcoons, as they would defraud the troops;” whilst the Bramins, by another representation equally private, represent, “that Sumbhajee would spend the whole on dancing girls; dissipate it in drinking and debauchery; and leave them to starvation, and the troops to revolt.”
Nizam Ool Moolk had never been so dependent on Mahratta allies; the attacks he had experienced, and the privation his army endured, obliged him to accede to a negotiation with the Peishwa, which was begun by Bajee Rao, through Ewuz Khan. The Nizam, however, first forced his way to a situation where water was procurable; Bajee Rao demanded, that Sumbhajee should be sent to his camp; that security should be afforded for the future collection of the Mahratta shares of revenue; by giving up several fortified places; and that all arrears, not yet realized, should be made good. Nizam Ool Moolk agreed to all the articles, except that of delivering up his ally. Bajee Rao represented that he was a near relation of the Raja’s, and that he should be treated with equal respect; but it was at last settled, that Nizam Ool Moolk should
guarantee his safe arrival in Panalla, when Shao should be at liberty to take what steps he might think proper for the settlement of their family dispute.
After an interchange of presents520, when Bajee Rao and Nizam Ool Moolk met for the first time, the armies retired upon the conclusion of the treaty521. Its final ratification was of consequence to both parties, but especially to Bajee Rao, who was then negociating with Sur Boolund Khan, in hopes of obtaining the cession of the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee of Guzerat. Sur Booland Khan, who had at first exerted himself to check Mahratta incursions, was induced to listen to the terms proposed by Bajee Rao, in order to save the country from total ruin. He had repeatedly applied to court for a supply of money, as it was at first impossible to raise any revenue of consequence from the districts in their exhausted state, but his demands were entirely neglected. He had endeavoured to conciliate Peelajee and Kantajee by grants of Chouth, but they collected all the revenue, and afforded no protection to the country. Chimnajee Appa arrived with a large army, exacted a heavy contribution from Pitlaud, and plundered Dholka; but he promised, on the part of his brother, that if the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee were yielded, the
districts should be effectually secured from the depredations of all other freebooters.
Sur Boolund Khan, at length agreed to the Peishwa’s proposals, and granted deeds, in the year 1729, to Sham Rao, the wukeel of Bajee Rao, the minister of the Raja Shao, ceding the Surdeshmookhee, or ten per cent., of the whole revenue, both on the land and customs, with the exception of the port of Surat and the district around it; together with the Chouth, or one fourth of the whole collections on the land and customs, excepting Surat, and five per cent. on the revenues of the city of Ahmedabad522.
Sur Boolund Khan mentions in the deeds, that these cessions in Guzerat are granted in consequence of the progress of improvement, the increasing population; and the general tranquillity in the Deccan. The conditions affixed to the deed for the Surdeshmookhee, are nearly similar to those mentioned in the same grant for the Deccan provinces: but the deed for the Chouth is more specific; two thousand five hundred horse are constantly to be kept up; the fourth part of the actual collections only, to be paid; no more than two or three persons to be placed in each district as collectors, on the part of the Mahrattas; no extra demands whatever to be made on the ryots; and every assistance to be afforded in maintaining the
imperial authority. One condition attached to the deed is, that Bajee Rao, on the part of Shao, agrees to prevent Mahratta subjects from taking part with, or in any way supporting disaffected Zumeendars, and other disturbers of the public peace; a clause which is fully explained by the opposing interests of Bajee Rao, Kantajee Kudum, and Trimbuck Rao Dhabary. Peelajee Gaekwar, the agent of Dhabaray, was, it appears, leagued with the Bheels and Koolees of the country, and on that account especially, was considered particularly formidable by the Mahomedans. After these deeds were obtained the Mokassa, and the collection of a part of the Surdeshmookhee, were assigned to Dhabaray; but jealousy of Bajee Rao’s interference in the affairs of the province, occasioned an implacable enmity on the part of that chief.
Whilst Bajee Rao’s presence was necessary to the northward, in order to support Chimnajee in ‘Guzerat, Sumbhajee, Raja of Kolapoor, instigated by Oodajee Chowan, ‘refused to listen to overtures made by Shao, and encamped in bravado, on the north side of the Warna, with all his baggage women and equipments, and began to plunder the country. An opportunity thus presented itself for the Pritee Needhee to recover his lost influence with Shao, which he partly effected by surprising the camp of Sumbhajee and Oodajee Chowan, and driving them to Panalla with the loss of the whole of their baggage. Many prisoners were taken by the Pritee Needhee; amongst others, Tara Bye, and her daughter-in-law, Rajis Bye, the widow of Sivajee of Kolapoor; both these persons were placed
in confinement in the fort of Satara.
This defeat brought on an immediate accommodation. The Mahratta districts and claims, with the exception of some forts, in the tract of which the rivers Warna and Kistna to the north, and the Toongbuddra to the south, were the boundaries, were wholly ceded. Kopaul, near the Toongbuddra was relinquished by, Shao in exchange for Rutnaguiry; and the territory of the Concan, extending from Salsee to Ankolah, was comprehended in the sovereignty of Kolapoor.
The Gurhee of Wurgaom, occupied by Oodajee Chowan, on the south bank of the Warna, which in the border warfare, had cost many lives, was destroyed by mutual-consent, but the claims of Chowan were left undetermined. Merich, Tasgaom, Hutnee, several villages along the northern bank of the Kistna, and some fortified places in the Beejapoor district, were given up to Shao. This treaty was offensive and defensive, and provided for the division of further conquests to the south of the Toongbuddra, which, on co-operation, were to be equally shared. Grants of Enam land or hereditary rights conferred by either party, within their respective boundaries, were confirmed.
Although enemies were not wanting to detract from the reputation of the Peishwa, and to extol that of his rivals, the success of the Pritee Needhee, did not materially affect the ascendancy which Bajee Rao had attained; but Nizam Ool Moolk was still bent on opposing him, and found a fit instrument for his purpose in Trim-buck Rao Dhabaray. Ever since the Peishwa had
obtained the deeds from Sur Boolund Khan, Dhabary had been negotiating with the other Mahratta chiefs, and assembling troops in Guzerat. At length, finding himself at the head of thirty-five thousand men, he had resolved to march for the Deccan in the ensuing season. Bajee Rao was well aware of the Senaputtee’s enmity, but was not alarmed by his preparations until he discovered that Nizam Ool Moolk was to support him in the Deccan. Immediately on being apprised of their intention he determined to anticipate them; although, when joined by all his adherents, his whole army did not amount to above half that of Dhabaray. The latter gave out, that he was proceeding to protect the Raja’s authority, and was supported by Peelajee Gaekwar, Kantajee, and Rughoojee Kuddum Bhanday, Oodajee, and Anund Rao Powar523, Chimmajee Pundit524, Koor Buhadur, with many others. Bajee Rao proved, that Dhabaray Senaputtee, was in alliance with Nizam Ool Moolk; and declared that he was leagued for the purpose of dividing the Mahratta sovereignty with the Raja
of Kolapoor, a measure inconsistent with sound policy, and contrary to the divine ordinances of the Shasters.
The preparations of Nizam Ool Moolk hastened the march of Bajee Rao; and as his army, though so inferior in numerical strength, was composed of the old Pagah horse, and some of the best of the Mahratta Mankurees, he moved rapidly towards Guzerat, but he commenced negociating, from the day of his quitting Poona, and continued it until the hour of attack. His advanced troops, however, under Awjee Kowray, having fallen in with a party of the enemy under Dummajee, one of the sons of Peelajee Gaekwar, soon after crossing the Nerbuddah, they were attacked and completely defeated. Bajee Rao, not discouraged by this unfortunate commencement, determined, when about to engage his countrymen, contrary to his usual plan, to close with them immediately. The new levies did not await the shock, but fled on the first charge; Kantajee Kuddum went off with the fugitives, leaving the old troops of Khundee Rao Dhabary to defend his son. Trimbuck Rao was mounted on an elephant, and seeing the flight of his troops, chained the animal’s legs. Bajee Rao was on horseback, and exerted himself with all the energy so great an occasion demanded; but the field was still disputed with obstinacy, and the issue doubtful, when Trimbuck Rao, in the act of drawing his bow, was shot by a random ball from a matchlock; his death left complete victory to Bajee Rao with all but nominal control of the Mahratta sovereignty.
In this battle, which took place between Baroda and Dhuboy, in Guzerat, about the first of April, Jowjee Dhabaray, Mullojee Powar, and one of the sons of Peelajee Gaekwar, were slain with their commander. Oodajee Powar and Chimmajee Pundit, were taken prisoners. Anund Rao Powar, Peelajee Gaekwar, and Koor Buhadur were wounded, but escaped525. Both Dubhoy526 and Baroda were at this time in the hands of Peelajee; the latter was afterwards taken from him by the Moghuls, but Bajee Rao, at the suggestion of Sur Boolund Khan, then intended to reduce it for himself. A treaty was, however, concluded in the month of August, and the Peishwa, at the close of the monsoon, returned to Satara. He would have punished the treachery of Nizam Ool Moolk, but that crafty politician, whose schemes had recoiled on himself, warded a blow which he could with difficulty have withstood, by directing its aim against the head of the empire.
Bajee Rao readily acceded to the Nizam’s views; it suited his favourite policy, and it gave employment to persons likely to disturb the domestic arrangements he aimed at establishing. Troops were immediately despatched towards Malwa under his brother Chimnajee, whilst he himself remained, for a time, engaged in the interior arrangements of government, at Poona and Satara. Such appear to
have been, the rise and progress of the events and intrigues, which ended in a secret compact between Bajee Rao and Nizam Ool Moolk, securing to the former, supremacy as Peishwa, and to the latter, a kingdom in the Deccan.
The victory over Dhabaray, like the issue of every civil war, left impressions on the minds of many, not easily effaced; but the Peishwa adopted every means of conciliation in his power. It had been a custom to feed some thousand Bramins for several days every year at Tullygaom527, near Poona, the Enam village of Dhabaray; this charitable practice Bajee Rao continued at Poona, and gave sums of money, at, the same time, to the assembled Shastrees and Waeedeeks. This festival, continued by his successors, was known by the name of Dukshina528.
Yeswunt Rao, the son of the deceased, was raised to the rank of Senaputtee, but being too young to take the management upon himself; his mother, Ooma Bye, became his guardian; and Peelajee Gaekwar, their former Mootaliq, was confirmed in that situation, with the title of Sena Khas Kheyl, in addition to his hereditary one, of Shumsher Buhadur.529
In order to prevent disputes, art agreement was drawn up under the authority of Shao, and subscribed by the Peishwa and Senaputtee, stipulating that neither party should enter the boundary of the other in Guzerat and Malwa. Within the limits of the former province, the Senaputtee was to have entire management; but he bound himself to pay one half of the revenue to government, through the Peishwa. All contributions, levied from countries not specified in the deeds given under the authority of Sur Boolund Khan, were to be made, over to the Raja after deducting expences.
The cession of Chouth and Surdeshmookhee from the province of Guzerat, was highly disapproved at the imperial court, although no attempt had been made to assist Sur Boolund Khan, or to avert the calamity and disgrace which that officer foretold, must be the consequence of neglecting his applications for assistance. Sur Boolund Khan was superseded by Abhee Sing, Raja of Joudpoor, who proceeded with the army to take possession of his new government. Sur Boolund Khan opposed him for a considerable time, but at last an accommodation took place, and the latter went off towards Delhi, where he was afterwards extremely ill-used, and unworthily disgraced. Although an
enemy of Nizam Ool Moolk, the disrespect and indignity with which Sur Boolund Khan was treated, is given as the reason for the intimate connection which was now cemented between the former and Bajee Rao. The Mahomedan historian530 is partly right; but selfish not generous motives furnish the real interpretation of Nizam Ool Moolk’s consideration for Sur Boolund Khan. Perceiving Bajee Rao’s complete ascendancy, the appointment of the Hindoo prince Abhee Sing to supersede Sur Boolund Khan, the imbecility of the emperor, and the treachery as well as depraved venality of his courtiers; knowing also that he had rendered himself in the highest degree obnoxious, Nizam Ool Moolk had good grounds for apprehending that the Peishwa might be able to obtain the viceroyalty of the Deccan. The plan, however, which he adopted, under these circumstances, belongs to the higher order of polities, and seems to have been framed for the purpose of diverting the Mahrattas from the destruction of the resources of his own country, and of making his own power a balance between that of the emperor and the Peishwa.
Previously to invading Malwa in person, Bajee Rao had an interview with Nizam Ool Moolk, and endeavoured to induce him to advance a subsidy for the assistance he was affording; but the Nizam considered the inducement sufficiently strong without paying his auxiliaries. The districts in Candeish, by the present agreement, were to be protected by the Peishwa in his passage, to and from
Malwa, and nothing more than the usual tribute was to be levied id the six Soobehs of the Deccan, a proposal to which Bajee Rao readily acceded531.
Various parts of the province of Malwa had been already laid under contribution by Powar, Holkar, and Sindia. The Raja Gheerdhur, on every occasion, had exerted himself with great fortitude and energy, but was at length killed in an action with Oodajee Powar and Chimnajee Pundit532 in 1729; but his relation, Dia Buhadur, having been appointed Soobehdar in his room, continued to repel the Mahratta inroads with bravery, and frequently with success; till at last, attacked by Chimnajee Appa, the Peishwa’s brother, Peelajee Jadow, and Mulhar Rao Holkar, at Talah533 near Dhar, he was also slain, and his troops were defeated. Bajee Rao, on crossing the Nerbuddah, assumed command of the army in Malwa, and sent his brother and Peelajee Jadow back to Satara, to maintain his influence at court, and to concert measures for settling the Concan, which was in a very disturbed state; the Peishwa having been obliged to withdraw a force, at first intended for the entire settlement of that country, including the reduction of Jinjeera.
In the meantime, after the Peishwa left Guzerat, the Foujdar of Abhee Sing recovered the fort
of Baroda; but the cause of Peelajee Gaekwar was popular, he had gained several victories, and occupied many of the principal Thannas, when Abhee Sing, on pretence of entering upon a final agreement with him, sent some emissaries, apparently for the purpose of settling the preliminaries. These emissaries had frequent interviews with Peelajee, till at last, one evening, after having sat until it was dusk, they took leave and went outside the tent, when one of their number, on pretence of having forgot something of consequence; returned to the tent, and whilst affecting to whisper in Peelajee’s ear, drew a dagger and stabbed him to the heart. The assassin was instantly killed, but the rest of the emissaries escaped. This murder was perpetrated at Dhakoor, a well known village in the district of Tausrah534.
The murder of Peelajee Gaekwar was not attended by the advantages expected from it by Abhee Sing; Dilla, Dessaye of Padra near Baroda, who had lived in friendship with Peelajee, instigated the Koolees and Bheels to rise all over the country, and watching an opportunity, afforded by the march of troops to quell the insurgents, sent intelligence to Mahadajee Gaekwar, the brother of Peelajee, who then occupied Jumboseer, and advised him to attack Baroda. He accordingly followed this recommendation and obtained possession of it about the same time that Dia Buhadur was killed in Malwa, in 1732, since which time it has always belonged to the family of Gaekwar. But besides this success, on the part of the Mahrattas,
Dummajee, the eldest surviving son of Peelajee, advanced from Sonegurh with a great force, occupied many of the principal districts in the east of Guzerat, and made incursions as far as Joudpoor, till Abhee Sing, resigning Ahmedabad to a deputy, was forced to return to protect his paternal dominions.
Mohummud Khan Bungush, governor of Allahabad, was the new Soobehdar appointed to Malwa. Shortly after the period of his obtaining the government, he entered Bundelcund, and established himself in the territory of the Raja Chitoor Sal. On this proceeding the Rajpoot prince solicited aid from Bajee Rao, which was readily afforded. The Peishwa moved expeditiously into Bundelcund, surrounded Bungush, and forced him to seek refuge in a fort, where he was reduced to the greatest distress, till rescued by a band of Afghans of his own tribe, headed by his son. The province, however, was completely evacuated by his troops, and Chitoor Sal, so entirely satisfied with the aid afforded by his new ally, that he conferred on him a fort and district in the neighbourhood of Jhansee, worth two and a quarter lacks of rupees of annual revenue, adopted him as his son, and at his death, which happened very soon ‘after, bestowed on him one third of his possessions, or an equal share with his sons Juggut Raj-jee Deo and Hurdesa, the former styled Raja of Kalpee, and the latter of Bundelcund; but it would appear, that although they may have managed separately, they shared in common535.
After the defeat of Mohummud Khan Bungush, Raja Jey Sing was appointed by the emperor to the government of the provinces of Agra and Malwa. Nothing could be more favorable to the views of Bajee Rao, but as Jey Sing was now situated, the honour of the Rajpoot was at variance with the subsisting understanding between him and the Mahrattas. This circumstance may account for his hesitating to comply with their demands, but he at last came to an agreement with Bajee Rao, yielded him the government of Malwa, in the following year, and for the time, the emperor, by Jey Sing’s persuasions, tacitly acquiesced in the arrangement536.
517. The whole of the particulars of this agreement are not known. Some very long details of the early part of the settlement, which led to the final exchange, are preserved; but the most essential parts, regarding the exchange of the Jagheer, and the fixed payment for the Chouth and Surdeshmookhee, are lost. I d& not think they have been purposely destroyed by the Mahrattas, as many years. afterwards I find original letters from Mahdoo Rao, the Peishwa, and Nana Furnuwees, written on an occasion, when there were pending negotiations with the Nizam, requesting that search might be made for this document. The Hudeequ-i-alum merely mentions, that Nizam Ool Moolk settled, that the Soobeh of Hyderabad should be exempted from the Surdeshmookhee, and that a ready-money payment should be given in lieu of the Chouth, and the customs.
518. Half of this Deshmookhee was purchased by Shahjee, after he entered the service of Mohummud Adil Shah.
519. The Nimbalkurs of Barsee are distinct from the Nimbalkurs of Kurmulla; the head of the latter has the title of Rao Rumbha. The former is one of the family of Hybut Rao Surlushkur.
520. This interchange of presents is termed Zeafut, a feast, or entertainment; a Mahomedan has no objections to eat food prepared by a Hindoo on such occasions; but on the part of the Hindoo, the Zeafut is confined to receiving the presents.
521. Mahratta MSS. Hudeequ-i-Alum.
522. Original deeds from the records of the government of the Peishwas, made over to me, by the Honourable M. Elphinstone.
523. Previous to the formation of this league, the Powars, whose rendezvous continued about Dhar in Malwa, had been always at war with Peelajee Gaekwar.
524. This was probably Chimmajee Damoodhur. He was a very active marauder; but Chimna Raja, so often mentioned in the Surat records, means Chimnajee, Bajee Rao’s brother: even when the army was commanded by the Peishwa in person, the force is often mentioned as that of Chimna Raja. The members of the factories were frequently deceived by false reports, and they make some ridiculous mistakes in the names, which it is sometimes difficult to detect. The Sow Roger, for Shao Raja, though not a very elegant alteration, is easily discovered.
525. Mahratta MSS. Original letters, in the hand-writing of Bajee Rao. Surat Records. Letter from Mr. Daniel Inns, factor at Cambay; dated 7th April, 1731.
526. Dubhoy first fell into the hands of Oodajee Powar, from whom it was taken by Peelajee.
527. There are two Tullygaoms near Poona, one north-east, or Tullygaom Dumdairay, and the other north-west, Tullygaom Dhabaray, on the Bombay road, the one above alluded to.
528. Dukshina means a charitable donation in money.
529. I have in my possession, three accounts of the origin of the Gaekwar titles, from respectable sources, all differing from each other, and from the text: after all, I may be wrong, but even in such an insignificant matter, I have spared no pains to be correct, I have seldom given translations of the Mahratta titles, as even the Mahrattas themselves, differ in the significations attached to them, and as I know nothing of Sanscrit, was dependant on the Bramins about me, for the few interpretations I have given. Sena Khas Kheyl has been translated, “commander of the special band,” – perhaps “leader of the sovereign’s tribe,” would be more correct.
530. Seyr Mutuakhereen.
531. Mahratta MSS., and original letters.
532. This Chimnajee Pundit was not the brother of Bajee Rao, but the person taken by the Peishwa, in the battle with the Senaputtee, already mentioned.
533. Original letter, in the hand-writing of Chimnajee Appa. I take the name of the place where the battle was fought, from. Sir J. Malcolm’s Report. on Malwa.
534. Mirat Ahmudee.
535. Original Papers. Poona Records.
536. Seyr Mutuakhereen. Mahratta MSS. Hudeequ-i-alum.
This collection transcribed by Chris Gage