State of parties upon the death of Mahdoo Rao – previous release of Rugonath Rao – Reduction of Raigurh – Rugonath Rao is again placed in confinement – Narrain Rao projects an expedition into the Carnatic, and recalls the army from Hindoostan – probability of a rupture with the Berar government upon the death of Janojee Bhonslay – Murder of Narrain Rao particulars – Rugonath Rao is invested as Peishwa – Character of Narrain Rao – Return of the army from Hindoostan – Summary of their proceedings during the campaign – Rughoojee Bhonslay is nominated Sena Sahib Soobeh – War with Nizam Ally – Plans of Rugonath Rao – State of the ministry – Nizam Ally is compelled to cede a large portion of territory, which is restored to him – Rugonath Rao proceeds to the Carnegie – the ministers conspire against him – he concludes an arrangement with Hyder – State of his army – returns to the northward – Confederacy against him – defeats Trimbuck Rao Mama – Advances on Poona – retreats towards Hindoostan – negotiate with Holkar, Sindia, and the English – Birth of Mahdoo Rao Narrain – Rugonath Rao crosses the Nerbuddah, and is deserted by Moodajee Bhonslay – Dissension amongst the ministers – party in favour of Rugoba – suppressed – Hyder Ally takes Sera and Gurumcondah Busalut Jung makes an incursion – preparations at Poona – Rugoba renews negotiations with the English
Considerable relaxation in the confinement of Rugonath Rao had taken place for some time prior to Mahdoo Rao’s death. As the health of his nephew declined, Rugonath Rao began intrigues with Hyder Ally and the Nizam, in order to obtain complete enlargement, and secure his succession as Peishwa.
The correspondence was intercepted by the ministers during the Peishwa’s extreme illness; nineteen persons implicated were sent into hill forts, and the confinement of Rugonath Rao would have become more rigid than ever, but Mahdoo Rao, perceiving his death was near, interposed, and observed that it was natural for his uncle to desire his liberty. With his usual sound discrimination, he foresaw that his brother would not be able to conduct the administration, if Rugonath Rao were not effectually restrained or conciliated; judging on the whole, therefore, that the latter course was the more advisable, and that in case of dissension the government must fall to pieces, he, in the first place, sent for Sukaram Bappoo, and reinstated him as Dewan. It should be premised that Sukaram was more favourably disposed towards Rugonath Rao than any of the other ministers: he had acted as his Dewan in different campaigns; he respected Rugonath Rao as a good soldier, and had hitherto retained his confidence. Nana Furnuwees had as yet only acted in a secondary situation under Mahdoo Rao, his abilities had not fully developed themselves, and Sukaram Bappoo was accounted the most capable man in the empire. It had been previously settled, before Mahdoo Rao’s present arrangements were contemplated, that Nana was to act as Furnuwees in the civil, and Moroba, his cousin, in the military department.
Rugonath Rao was sent for to Theur, a reconciliation took place, and Mahdoo Rao, in presence of Sukaram Bappoo, recommended his brother, in an impressive manner, to the care and- protection of his uncle. He also, on several occasions
before his final dissolution, in conversation with his brother and uncle, calmly entered upon the discussion of their state affairs, and represented the necessity of concord for their mutual safety and the preservation of the government.
After the usual time spent in the performance of his brother’s funeral obsequies, Narrain Rao239, early in December, repaired to Satara, where he was invested as Peishwa by the Raja. Sukaram Bappoo received the clothes of prime minister, under the name of Karbaree, whilst Bujaba Poorundhuree was appointed Dewan, and Nana Furnuwees was recognized in the hereditary situation of his family.
The first object of the new administration was the reduction of Raigurh, the Havildar of which had been in rebellion against the Peishwa, for some months before Mahdoo Rao’s death. It was apprehended that he had designs of giving it up to the Seedee, and when required to surrender, he replied, that he held the fort for the Raja of Satara, and would maintain it against the Peishwa until the Raja was released; but on an order from Ram Raja, and the payment of forty thousand rupees, Narrain Rao, in the month of March, obtained possession of the ancient capital of Sivajee.
The new Peishwa and Rugonath Rao continued for some time in apparent amity: but the mother of the one, the wife of the other, and the jealousy of the Bramin ministers, would probably have
created discord between men of better temper and stronger judgment. Rugonath Rao, with the consent of all, except Sukaram Bappoo, who objected to the violence of the measure, was again made prisoner on the 11th of April, and confined in an apartment of the same palace in which Narrain Rao, when at Poona, usually resided240.
Nana Furnuwees stood high in the young Peishwa’s estimation, but Bujaba Poorundhuree and Hurry Punt Phurkay were his chief confidants. The principal state affairs continued ostensibly to be transacted by Sukaram Bappoo, but the favourites were inimical to his administration. Narrain Rao was particularly ambitious of military fame, and looked forward with eagerness to the ensuing season, when he proposed to make a campaign in the Carnatic. For this purpose troops were directed to be in readiness, and orders were despatched to recal the armies from Hindoostan. But circumstances occurred, which occasioned the probability of employment in the Mahratta territories.
Janojee Bhonslay was at Theur at the period of Mahdoo Rao’s death; but prior to that event, he had obtained his sanction to adopt Rughoojee, the eldest son of Moodajee, who was the only one of all the brothers that had issue; and Janojee, not only made the adoption, but was said to have appointed Moodajee the guardian of his heir. Janojee died in the month of May near Tooljapoor: Moodajee and Sabajee each, claimed the right of guardianship; but Durya Bye the widow of Janojee,
resisted the pretensions of both, assumed the government, and appointed Sabajee her general and Dewan. Moodajee, unfortunately for himself and his son, had hitherto maintained a connection with Rugonath Rao, and his pretensions not being supported by Narrain Rao241 or his ministers, he could only levy troops and assert his cause by force of arms. The Peishwa in vain interposed his advice: bloodajee’s party were much discouraged by the defection of a considerable number of the choice troops, who carried with them the Juree Putka of the Sena Sahib Soobeh; but notwithstanding the evil presage which this created amongst his men, he attacked his brother at Koombaree near Ankolah, where he was defeated with severe loss, and compelled to flee with precipitation. The Peishwa’s agent at last procured a cessation of hostilities, but the brothers had scarcely met, when Durya Bye, quitting Sabajee242, joined Moodajee. The latter again took the field, obtained the aid of Ismael Khan Patan, Governor of Elichpoor, and renewed hostilities. Sabajee applied to the Nizam and solicited the Peishwa’s assistance; Rugonath Rio exhorted Moodajee to persevere; the Nizam joined Sabajee243; but the attention of all India was arrested,
and there was a momentary pause in the bustle of political affairs, by reports, which proved correct, of the murder of Narrain Rao Peishwa on the 30th of August244.
It appeared, that on the morning of that day, there had been considerable commotion amongst the regular infantry in the Peishwa’s service, and it increased so much towards noon, that after an interwiew with Rughoojee Angria, who had just arrived from Kolabah to pay his respects, Narrain Rao, before he went to dinner, told Hurry Punt Phurkay to take some precautions in case of disturbance, meaning that he should secure the palace. Hurry Punt, however, thoughtlessly neglected these orders, and went to dine with a friend in the neighbourhood245. The Peishwa, in the afternoon, had retired to repose in his private apartments, when he was awoke by a great tumult In the palace, caused by a large body of infantry, who, having continued their clamours for pay, throughout the day, were at last, about two o’clock, led to the palace by Somer Sing and Mohummud Yeesoof, on pretence of demanding their arrears. Khurruk Sing, one of their number, who commanded at the palace guard, joined them; but instead of entering at the large gate, on the north side, to which there was no impediment, they made their way by an unfinished door-way, on the east side, Which, together with the wall surrounding the
palace, had been pulled down a short time before, to make an entrance distinct from that of the quarter inhabited by Rugonath Rao. Narrain Rao, on starting from sleep, neither resolved on concealment nor defence, but ran to his uncle’s apartments, and being closely pursued by Somer Sing, he threw himself into his uncle’s arms, and called on him to save him. Rugonath Rao did interfere and begged of them to spare him. “I have not gone thus far to insure my own destruction,” replied Somer Sing “let him go or you shall die with him.” Rugonath Rao disengaged himself and got out upon the terrace; Narrain Rao attempted to follow him, but Truleea Powar, one of the Mahratta domestics of Rugonath Rao, who was armed, seized him by the legs and pulled him down, at which instant another domestic named Chapajee Teleekur, in the service of Narrain Rao, entered the apartment, and, although unarmed, ran forward to his master, who clasped his arms about his neck, when Somer Sing and Truleea Powar despatched them both with their swords. Whilst this was passing in the interior, the whole of the outer wall of the palace was secured by the conspirators; the people in the city heard of a tumult, armed men thronged in the streets, the shops were shut, and the inhabitants ran to and fro in consternation, asking what had happened. Sukaram Bappoo repaired to the Kotwal’s Chowree, or office of the police magistrate, where word being brought to him that Rugonath Rao was not only alive, but had sent out assurances to the people that all was quiet, and had even invited some of them to go inside, Sukaram directed Hurry
Punt Phurkay to write a note to Rugonath Rao in his name, which Rugonath Rao answered in his own hand-writing, informing him of the murder of his nephew by some of the Gardees (regular infantry). Hurry Punt Phurkay then declared, that suspicions, which he had entertained of Rugonath Rao, were confirmed; and alarmed for his personal safety, he instantly fled to Baramuttee. Sukaram Bappoo tranquillized the minds of the people, by recommending them to go to their homes, and to remain quiet, when nothing should molest them. Bujaba Poorundhuree, and Mallojee Ghorepuray, had an interview with Rugonath Rao that night; and Trimbuck Rao Mama, repairing to the palace, bore off the body of the unfortunate Peishwa, and performed the funeral obsequies.
Visitors were admitted to the palace; Mr. Mostyn, the English envoy, and the different wukeels, paid their respects, but Rugonath Rao remained in confinement, detained, as was pretended, by the conspirators, as a security for the payment of their arrears. Rugonath Rao was suspected, but there was no proof of his being the author of the outrage. It was well known that he had an affection for his nephew, and the ministers, considering the extreme jealousy with which many of them viewed each other, are entitled to some praise, for having adopted a resolution on the occasion equally sound and politic. They were generally of opinion, that whilst there remained a shadow of doubt, it was on every account advisable to support Rugoba’s right to the succession; to this Ram Shastree, who was consulted, made no objections, but diligently instituted a search into the whole
transaction. About six weeks after the event, having obtained proofs against Rugonath Rao, the Shastree waited upon him, and accused him of having given an authority to Somer Sing and Mohummud Yeesoof to commit the deed. Rugonath Rao is said to have acknowledged to Ram Shastree that he had written an order to those men, authorizing them to seize Narrain Rao, but that he never had given the order to kill him. This admission is generally supposed to have been literally true; for by the original paper, afterwards recovered by Rain Shastree, it was found that the word dhurawe, to seize, was altered to marawe, to kill. It is universally believed, that the alteration was made by the infamous Anundee Bye; and although Rugonath Rao’s own conduct, in subsequently withholding protection, even at the hazard of his life, sufficiently justifies the suspicion of his being fully aware of it, the moderate and general opinion in the Mahratta country is, that he did not intend to murder his nephew; that he was exasperated by his confinement, and excited by the desperate counsels of his wife, to whom is also attributed the activity of the domestic, Truleea Powar246, who was set on by the vindictive malice of that bad woman.
After Rugonath Rao had avowed his having so far participated in the fall of his nephew, he asked Ram Shastree what atonement he could make.
“The sacrifice of your own life,” replied the undaunted and virtuous Shastree, “for your future life cannot be passed in amendment; neither you nor your government can prosper; and for my own part, I will neither accept of employment, nor enter Poona, whilst you preside in the administration.” He kept his word, and retired to a sequestered village near Waee.
In the meantime the arrears were discharged, Rugonath Rao was released, and his adopted son, Amrut Rao, attended by Bujaba Poorundhuree, was despatched to Satara for the clothes of investiture, which were brought back accordingly, and Rugonath Rao was proclaimed Peishwa. Sukaram Bappoo was confirmed as Karbaree; but Chintoo Wittul, and Sewdasheo Ramchundur, the son of Ramchundur Baba Shenwee, were the most confidential of the new Peishwa’s ministers247.
Of Narrain Rao little need be said, except to contradict unjust calumny. He was murdered in the eighteenth year of his age; his follies were those of a boy, but the feelings and interest of a party blackened them into crimes. He was affectionate to his relations248, kind to his domestics, and all but his enemies loved him.
There is a well known Poona anecdote, which though oftener told of Mahdoo Rao, was one from which the latter used to say his brother would become an enterprizing officer. While spectators of
an elephant fight at the Gooltekree, a small hill in the environs of the city, one of the animals, when enraged, came full speed towards the spot where they sat. Most of the attendants, and all the principal people, whose fears overcame their politeness for the Peishwa, hurried off, and Narrain Rao jumped up to run with the rest. Mahdoo Rao caught his arm; “brother,” said he, “‘what will the Ukhbars249 say of you.” He instantly sat down with composure, and the danger, which became imminent, was averted by the extraordinary bravery of a Mahratta Sillidar named Appajee Rao Pahtunkur, who drawing his dagger, sprung in front of the Peishwa, and turned the animal aside, by wounding him in the trunk.
The Peishwa’s army, under Visajee Kishen, returned from Hindoostan, after the accession of Rugonath Rao. We left the emperor preparing to resist their usurpation of his authority. As Mahadajee Sindia could not disguise his enmity to Zabita Khan, and disapproved of the Mahratta alliance with the Rohillas, he was employed to the westward, collecting tribute from the Jhats and Rajpoot states; but Visajee Kishen and Tookajee Holkar, continued in the Rohilla country, with upwards of thirty thousand horse. Their absence from the capital gave the emperor full time to prepare for resisting them, and his preparations were much more formidable than the Mahrattas had anticipated. Visajee, therefore, endeavoured by every means to soothe,
or intimidate him into terms, and would probably have succeeded, but for the more firm counsel of Nujeef Khan. A battle took place, in the environs of Delhi, on the 19th December, 177f2, in which the Mahrattas were victorious, after an obstinate conflict. The Moghul horse, although bravely led by Nujeef Khan, behaved ill; but the emperor’s regular infantry acted with spirit; particularly two battalions of Sepoys, originally disciplined by the English, which fought under the command of a Frenchman named Madoc250 and retired in order. The terms, required by the Mahrattas on this occasion from the emperor, were far from immoderate; they obliged him to nominate the Peishwa, his Bukhshee or commander-in-chief, and to appoint Zabita Khan the Peishwa’s deputy; to confirm all the promises he had first made to them; to cede Serampore, lately taken from the Jhats, and to give them a grant of Korah and Kurrah, two provinces east of the Jumna, adjoining their frontier in Bundelcund, which the English government of Bengal had obliged Shujah-ud-Dowlah to cede for the emperor’s support, as long as he chose to continue under the British protection; but as he had voluntarily relinquished all the benefits of their alliance, they claimed the right of disposing of the reversion, and determined to repel any attempt the Mahrattas might make for their
occupation. They resolved, however, to act strictly on the defensive, and to assist their ally, Shujah-ud-dowlah, in resisting an invasion of the province of Oude, which it was supposed the Mahrattas meditated; but after an inactive campaign, they quitted Hindoostan, in the end of May251, in consequence of a positive recal by Narrain Rao, for the purpose to which we have alluded. Visajee Kishen, however, did not reach Poona till the rains were nearly over.
As Hyder Ally had most reason to apprehend the approach of the Mahrattas, so was he most ready to take advantage of the confusion likely to ensue from the late violent change in the state. A strong detachment was sent, under his son Tippoo, for the recovery of the districts conquered by the Mahrattas in the late war; and Nizam Ally, was likewise preparing, with the hope of profiting by Bramin dissensions, in the same manner that they had encroached during the intestine broils of his own family.
Moodajee Bhonslay, with his son, and the widow of Janojee, joined Rugonath Rao, and on that occasion, Rughoojee Bhonslay, as the adopted son of Janojee, was invested as Sena Sahib Soobeh. Sabajee continuing the stronger party, Moodajee remained with the Peishwa; but Rughoojee and
Durya Bye returned towards Berar. Rugonath Rao, resolved, in the first instance, to oppose Nizam Ally, and to endeavour to cripple his power; otherwise, by crossing the Kistna, he must have left his own territory exposed to the ravages of the Nizam and Sabajee Bhonslay.
At this critical period, when the army had marched, and Rugonath Rao was on the eve of departure from Poona, Ram Shastree waited upon him in the manner which has been mentioned. The other ministers were less sincere, but as Rugonath Rao showed himself suspicious and distrust-fill of all the experienced men who were capable of supporting his government, they soon became entirely estranged from his councils. Sewdasheo Ramchundur, Chintoo Wittul, Abbajee Mandeo, and Sukaram Hurry, the persons of whom he made choice, were ill-qualified to supply their place. In the month of November, the Peishwa’s army approached that of Nizam Ally, before the latter was prepared, and he was compelled to seek shelter under the walls of Beder. For three weeks, there were daily skirmishes, in which the Mahrattas were generally successful; the Moghuls, when pressed, retired under cover of the cannon on the works, and the Mahrattas, although they occasionally brought up guns to cannonade252, were obliged to retire daily to their camp on the bank of the
Manjera, as most of the wells253 in the immediate vicinity of Beder, were within gun-shot of the walls of the fort.
From the reports of these partial actions, the unpopularity of Rugoba, might be read in repeated accounts of his being defeated, wounded, or at the point of death254. The Moghul army, however, soon became straitened; and Nizam Ally could
only bring on his supplies and reinforcements, by risking an action with the Mahrattas, at a great disadvantage. He therefore proposed to treat, and it was agreed on the 9th December, that he should give up territory, yielding an annual sum of twenty lacks of rupees. This cession, if judiciously distributed amongst the Mahratta chiefs, would probably have enabled Rugonath Rao, to maintain an ascendancy in the state; but after all was settled, Nizam Ally, with a show of the greatest frankness, paid him a visit, brought to his recollection their former alliance, and being well acquainted with the circumstances in which Rugonath Rao stood, assured him of his perpetual friendship on all future occasions; he praised the wisdom of his administration, affected even to be proud of his submission to the great Rugonath Rao, and manifested entire confidence in his generosity, by placing before him his seal of state, and desiring him to add as much more to the cession as he thought fit.
Rugonath Rao, to the great joy of his domestic enemies, in an effusion of misplaced generosity, immediately restored the whole; and although little can be said in excuse for his being thus openly cajoled by the well-known Nizam Ally, it is
one of many proofs, that he was still more weak than wicked.
Rugonath Rao, after peace was concluded with the Moghuls, encamped for some time at Kulburga, and detached Trimbuck Rao Mama, to watch the motions of Sabajee Bhonslay, who occupied a threatening position in the neighbourhood of Aurungabad. This arrangement was precisely that which Rugoba’s enemies desired, and they perceived with secret pleasure, that his mind was completely occupied in planning an expedition into the Carnatic, where he projected not only the expulsion of Hyder from the Mahratta districts, of which he had possessed himself, but the punishment of Mohummud Ally and the English, for having reduced Tanjore255. In prosecution of these designs, he proceeded towards the Kistna, but in the meantime, a cabal was forming against him, which soon obstructed his progress.
Sukaram Bappoo and Nana Furnuwees had, on different pretences, withdrawn themselves from the army, and returned to Poona. They were soon followed by Gunput Rao Rastia, Babajee Naik256 Baramutteekur, and several other persons of consequence. Moraba Furnuwees was the last of his old ministers that quitted his camp, except Bujaba Poorundhuree.
It was evident to all but Rugoba and his immediate
dependants, that there was some scheme in agitation. The principal persons of the Poona ministry at this time, of whom so much has been written, were Sukaram Bappoo, Trimbuck Rao Mama, the two Furnuwees’s, Nana and Moraba, Bujaba Poorundhuree, Anund Rao Jewajee257 and Hurry Punt Phurkay – all men raised by the present family of Peishwas, and totally, as the reader will perceive, distinct from the eight Purdhans of Sivajee and Shao.
There were a variety of conjectures in the Mahratta country as to the revolution meditated; some said the ministers intended to release the Raja; others, that a person assuming the name of Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, and now a prisoner in the fort of Ahmednugur, was to be set up as Peishwa in the room of Rugonath Rao. This Sewdasheo Rao, or Suddaba, according to the familiar name by which the person alluded to was known, was a Kanoja Bramin from Hindoostan, who personated the Bhow, and raised an insurrection, which had been suppressed by his capture and the dispersion of his followers. But impostors of this description obtain surprising credence in the Deccan; and it was still a popular belief, that the real Bhow Sahib, confined for state reasons, was about to be
Anund Rao Jewajee, commonly called the khasgeetvala, from having the charge of all the Peishwa’s personal affairs. He was the son of Govind Sew Ram, already repeatedly mentioned.
released and opposed to the unpopular Dada Sahib258.
The development, however, of their real plans soon put an end to surmises. It having been discovered, that Gunga Bye, the widow of Narrain Rao, was pregnant, it was resolved, on pretence of carrying her to a place of safety, to convey her to the fort of Poorundhur. But it is generally believed that the real motive was to disguise an intention they had formed, of eventually exchanging the infant of Gunga Bye in case of its proving a female, by substituting a male child. For this purpose several Bramin women, in a state of pregnancy, are said to have been conveyed into the fort at the same time. Gunga Bye herself was carried off from Poona by Nana Furnuwees and Hurry Punt Phurkay, on the morning of the 30th January, but the reason of her removal was publicly announced. Parwuttee Bye, the widow of Sewdasheo Rao, a lady very much respected, accompanied her. The ministers forming themselves into a sort of regency under Gunga Bye, began to govern the country in her name. All the adherents of Rugonath Rao were thrown into confinement. Negotiations were opened with Nizam Ally and Sabajee Bhonslay, both of whom agreed to support the widow’s pretensions, and intrigues,
managed by Krist Rao Bulwunt in the camp of Rugonath Rao, were ready to burst forth in general revolt, the moment that a signal was received from the confederates at Poona259.
In the meantime Rugonath Rao had advanced beyond Bellary, and had admitted an arrangement with Hyder Ally. His pecuniary distress was so urgent, that upon Hyder’s paying a few lacks of rupees, and promising to make up the sum to twenty-five lacks, Rugoba relinquished all claim to three of the Mahratta districts, and Hyder, probably then foresaw, that the rest must, in the course of a very short time, fall into his hands. In a few days, on hearing of the events that had happened at Poona, Rugonath Rao was compelled to abandon his designs of levying a tribute from the province of Arcot, and concluded a treaty at Calliandroog, by which Hyder recognised his right of succession as Peishwa, and agreed to pay him, and only to him, an annual tribute of six lacks of rupees260.
Rugonath Rao had information of the revolution before any person in his camp, and was warned to be on his guard against several of his Surdars, but especially Bhowan Rao Pritee Needhee. Uncertain what to do, where wisdom would probably have done nothing, he called upon Bhowan Rao, to account for his being at the head of four thousand horse, when three hundred was the complement
required to be furnished by the tenure of his Jagheer lands. The Pritee Needhee would not condescend to answer an enquiry so abrupt. Rugonath Rao threatened to attack him, and ordered Moorar Rao Ghorepuray Senaputtee “to plunder his troops.” Ghorepuray replied, that he was ready to fight any enemy of the state, but this being a domestic quarrel he begged to be excused. A similar answer was returned by Wamun Rao Govind Putwurdhun, and several other commanders. He then ordered out his household troops, and guns were brought, ready to open, in case he should still refuse an explanation; but finding the Pritee Needhee resolute, and his followers, mostly all from the banks of the Maun and the Yairla, declaring to a man that they would die with him, Rugonath Rao went himself to Bhowan Rao, and demanded an interview. He was received respectfully; but when sitting down the latter laid his sword between them, and on being asked by the Peishwa why he took such a precaution. “It is,” said Bhowan Rao, “lest the Punt Purdhan should forget that he is about to confer with the Pritee Needhee.” After some general assurances on both sides, the visit terminated by Rugonath Rao’s agreeing to advance him a sum of money; and all resort to coercion ceased261.
The Pritee Needhee and Moorar Rao Ghorepuray continued with Rugonath Rao, who now commenced his march towards Poona. Wamun
Rao, with all who openly declared for the ministerial party, separated from his army, but they always encamped a march on his left flank, with every precaution to prevent surprise, reserving attack until the approach of some of the three divisions which were moving to co-operate with them. Trimbuck Rao Mama and Sabajee Bhonslay, were advancing from Purinda, Hurry Punt Phurkay was on his route at the head of a division from Poona; whilst Nizam Ally, was marching across the country from Kulburga, to co-operate with either of these armies that might first appear, still however pretending to be the friend of Rugonath Rao. Trimbuck Rao Mama, jealous of Rugonath Rao’s reputation as a soldier262, and ambitious of the honor of reducing him, finding that Sabajee, who had views of his own to answer, was very tardy in his advance, pushed on in front of his division, crossed the Beema at Punderpoor on the 4th March, when Rugonath Rao, who was close in his neighbourhood, made a sudden attack upon him, on a fine plain between Kasseegaom and Punderpoor, where in less than twenty minutes, with a force considerably inferior to that of his opponent, Rugonath Rao obtained a complete victory, mortally wounded Trimbuck Rao Mama, and took him prisoner.
Rugonath Rao was one of the foremost in a charge which he made, supported only by his own division, amounting to about ten thousand horse.
Gungadhur Rao Rastia, second in command of Trimbuck Rao’s army, was wounded, but escaped263. Neither the Pritee Needhee, nor Moorar Rao Ghorepuray, although both in Rugonath Rao’s army, were engaged; the former withdrew, and after a short time, joined Hurry Punt Phurkay, and the latter took the opportunity of the confusion, to retire towards his principality at Gootee, and never more recrossed the Kistna. Hurry Punt Phurkay immediately effected a junction with Sabajee Bhonslay and the Nizam, but neither of them were in haste to bring the war to a conclusion.
The success thus obtained by Rugoba gave momentary life to his drooping cause. He was enabled to raise a large sum of money in Punderpoor, partly by contribution, and partly by pawning a portion of some prize jewels, which were brought back by Visajee Kishen from Hindoostan, and on his return, agreeably to old Mahratta usage, presented to Rugonath Rao as the head of the government.
The greatest consternation prevailed in Poona, and according to the invariable practice of the inhabitants on such occasions, dreading alike their friends and foes, all began to pack up their property, and fly to forts or
retired villages, where they esteemed themselves secure. Troops flocked to Rugoba’s standard, and he advanced for a few days towards the capital; but having no funds to support his army, which soon amounted to thirty or forty thousand men, becoming suspicious of their fidelity, and indulging hopes of more effectual support from Sindia, Holkar, or eventually the English, with all of whom he was negotiating, he suddenly shaped his course towards Burhanpoor. This resolution he adopted at a time, when the ministers, jealous of each other, dreading the resentment of Rugoba, and doubting the intentions of Sabajee Bhonslay, as well as of the Nizam, were on the point of releasing the Raja of Satara, as a measure calculated to have insured them the aid of many of the Mahratta soldiery, who were discontented or neutral. But the retreat of Rugoba, at once turned the scale of opinion in their favour, and the design was abandoned. He was followed by the combined armies of Hurry Punt Phurkay, the Nizam, and Sabajee Bhonslay, which together amounted to fifty thousand men; but the pursuit was purposely retarded by Nizam Ally, in order to obtain possession of some territory, promised by the ministers, for his treachery to Rugoba; and thus the fugitive Peishwa, had leisure to levy contributions from the country as he went along. The crisis, however, was passed, he had lost an opportunity of retrieving his affairs, and the birth of Mahdoo Rao Narrain, on the 18th April, gave a finishing blow to his ever being recognised as Peishwa. Notwithstanding
the suspicions, created by the scheme which was adopted for eventually imposing upon the country, there is very little doubt but that the child was the son of the murdered Narrain Rao.
Sukaram Bappoo and Nana Furnuwees were deputed by Gunga Bye to receive the clothes of investiture for her son, which were sent from Satara by the Raja, in charge of Mahdoo Rao Neelkunt Poorundhuree, and the infant was formally installed as Peishwa, when he was forty days old. One of the first acts of the ministers, under his government, was to remove Rughoojee, the adopted son of Janojee Bhonslay, from the office of Sena Sahib Soobeh, by conferring that dignity on Sabajee, their ally.
Rugonath Rao remained a short time at Burhanpoor, in hopes of being joined by Holkar and Sindia; but at last, contrary to the advice of his friends, he crossed the Nerbuddah, when Moodajee Bhonslay, and all his followers, except about seven thousand horse, deserted him. On his arrival at Indore, he was met by Mahadajee Sindia and Tookajee Holkar, received with the greatest respect, and it was generally reported, that these two chiefs would espouse his cause; it was also stated that the two brothers, Govind Rao and Futih Sing Gaekwar, then contending for the possession of Guzerat, as will be hereafter explained, had agreed to submit their dispute to the arbitration of Holkar and Sindia, and to unite with them in supporting Rugonath Rao. Nizam Ally, staggered by these rumours, disappointed at not having received the promised cessions, and willing
to sell his aid to either party, the more likely to have the power of granting his demands, cantoned for the rains at Basum; Hurry Punt Phurkay occupied a position in the neighbourhood of Burhanpoor.
The ministers very soon became jealous of each other: Nana Furnuwees was too cautious to take the lead in an infant government; but, like the generality of men who have risen by revolution, and who seldom appear in the foreground, he supported Sukaram Bappoo as the person likely to have most weight and consideration with the public. This conduct in him proceeded as much from timidity as design. Sukaram was an old, cautious, time-serving courtier, but he was a man of much more courage than Nana Furnuwees, and, in the humble and assiduous attention of his colleague and adherent, he did not foresee a future rival and a powerful foe. Such, indeed, was the influence of Sukaram Bappoo, that his secession from the cause of the ministers, which Nana often apprehended, would have ruined them. One circum: stance, not generally known, which was used by Nana as an instrument of ambition, was the power he had acquired over the mind of the regent Gunga Bye; for, although a profound secret at the time, the young widow was deeply enamoured of Nana Furnuwees, and was taught by him the best means of governing the old minister.
Moraba, the cousin of Nana, who had been the ostensible prime minister of Mahdoo Rao, was dissatisfied on finding little deference paid to his counsel, and would readily have returned to Rugonath
Rao, if he could have effected it with safety, and insured his future power. Such of the other ministers as would not submit to Sukaram and Nana were soon united in common discontent. The cabal, in short, divided into two parties, and their disagreement became generally known by the discovery of a correspondence on the part of Moraba, Bujaba, and Babajee Naik, with the ex-Peishwa. It appeared, from letters intercepted by Hurry Punt, that these three had formed a plan for securing the persons of Sukaram Bappoo, Nana Furnuwees, Gunga Bye, and her son; all of whom, on account of the chilling cold frequently experienced in hill-forts during the rains, had come down from Poorundhur to reside in the neighbouring village of Sassoor; but receiving intelligence on the 30th June of this conspiracy, they instantly, with undissembled panic, betook themselves to the fort.
Hurry Punt Phurkay, leaving a detachment at Burhanpoor, countermarched on Poorundhur; and Krist Rao Bulwunt, the ministerial agent with Nizam Ally, by stipulating for the immediate cession of upwards of thirteen lacks264 of Jagheer territory, and promising more, induced him to move to Aurungabad to give countenance to their cause; but the discovery of their conspiracy at once defeated the designs of the feeble triumvirate, and Hurry Punt was directed to halt at the Ajunta Ghaut.
Hyder Ally, immediately on perceiving these commotions, seized the opportunity, in order to complete his conquests of the whole of the Mahratta districts south of the Toongbuddra. He attacked Sera in person, whilst his son Tippoo besieged Gurumcondah265. At the same time Busalut Jung, from Adonee, entered the Mahratta country, and levied contributions as far as Hutnee and Merich. No effort could be made to save Sera and Gurumcondah; they therefore soon fell; but Wamun Rao Govind Putwurdhun and Anund Rao Rastia were detached for the protection of their own districts, and soon compelled Busalut Jung to retire. These chiefs received instructions to return to the capital as soon as possible; and Bhew Rao Yeswunt Pansia, Ramchundur Gunnesh, Visajee Kishen, and Bhowan Rao Pritee Needhee were employed in raising men in the districts, who were all to be at Poona on the Dussera. Agents were employed throughout the country to blacken the crimes of Rugoba, and hold forth the justice of their cause. The ministers at the same time breathed nothing but a spirit of union and concord: they determined on obtaining the absolute submission of Rugoba; and their active and judicious preparations for hostility, showed that they understood the best means of ensuring pacification.
Rugonath Rao, in the mean time, with a force of about thirty thousand men, chiefly composed of the troops of Sindia and Holkar, advanced from
Indore to the banks of the Taptee, where he expected to be joined by Moodajee Bhonslay and Govind Rao Gaekwar. In this situation he renewed his negotiations with the English government at Bombay.
239. Narrain Rao was the youngest of the three sons of Ballajee Bajee Rao. Wiswas Rao, the eldest, fell, as may be remembered, at Panniput.
240. Mahratta MSS. and Bombay Records.
241. The Peishwa’s government acknowledged Sabajee as Sena Sahib Soobeh, as he is so styled in an original agreement of four articles, by which he becomes bound to fulfil the conditions of the agreement entered into by Janojee.
242. Durya Bye was probably actuated by Sabajee’s having been acknowledged as Sena Sahib Soobeh, which, if admitted, at once set aside her pretensions as guardian.
243. Mahratta MSS.
244. Mr. Mostyn’s Report.
245. In consequence, probably of this neglect, Hurry Punt, it would seem, was accused of being one of the partizans of Rugoba, which decidedly was not the case.
246. It was given out that this domestic was actuated by motives of personal revenge, in consequence of having been publicly flogged by Narrain Rao’s orders. He was executed for the murder of Narrain Rao, several years afterwards by Nana Furnuwees.
247. Mahratta MSS. Mr. Mostyn’s dispatches.
248. A few of his original letters, generally written to Parwuttee Bye, the widow of Sewdasheo Rao, found amongst the Poona Records, bear testimony to that trait.
249. “Native newspapers.” Narrain Rao had indeed “a gazette to himself,” but far different from his brother’s anticipation.
250. Madoc was one of the earliest of those European adventurers who rose to consequence in the immediate service of the native states. He was considered by the natives a brave soldier but an indifferent officer; incapable of acting as a chief in command; and of a faithless character.
251. Appendix to the Fifth Report of the Committee of Secrecy. Bombay Records, and Mahratta MSS. The Seyr Mutuakhereen gives a very confined account of these transactions at Delhi, which does not agree with any of the authorities above quoted.
252. Rugonath Rao used a large brass gun on this occasion called Maha Kalee (the goddess of destruction), which is now at Poona, and which throws a ball a long way, as I fancy some of my readers could testify.
253. Besides, all Hindoos are very particular in regard to water, and always prefer drinking from a running stream.
254. The following extract from one of Mr. Mostyn’s despatches, is a specimen of the invention of the day. Since closing my address to the Committee, (the select committee of the Bombay government is meant,) “I have learnt, that a party of the Nizam’s foot approached quite to Rugoba’s tent, undiscovered, and were taken for his own guard, who by some means were absent that night. On their endeavouring to enter the tent, some of the servants found them out and alarmed the camp. They were then obliged to fly as fast as possible; however, one cut through the tent walls and made a blow at Rugoba, which took just below his right shoulder, cut four inches down the arm, and half through the bone. Afterwards a firing commenced, when a musquet ball grazed along his left arm, so that he is now lame of both arms, has a fever, and several ulcers about his knee. The elephant with the gold standard” (my readers will recognise the Juree Putka) “the Moghuls carried off; this is looked upon with these people as a most unlucky omen.” Mr. Mostyn, who had not then much experience in Mahratta politics, writes all the above as intelligence which he fully credited: he might have stopped his evidence when he came to such particulars, as the four inches, which a good member of a Punchayet would have done, and extracted valuable evidence, not from the falsehoods spoken, but from what his judgment could clearly interpret as the object of the speaker. Strange as it may appear, it was upon the receipt of the despatch of which the above is an extract, that the Bombay government came to the resolution, in case of the death or deposition of Rugoba, to take possession of Salsette, &c. by force of arms; and I may remark that Mr. Tayler’s able letter to the Bengal government, 9th October 1775, founded on Mr. Mostyn’s intelligence, is incorrect. Col. Wilks and Mr. Mill have been led into error from the same circumstance. Rugonath Rao was not defeated.
255. It was carried by storm 17th September 1773. (Madras Records.).
256. The nephew or grandson of Bappoojee Naik Baramutteekur, who was married to the aunt of Ballajee Nee Rao, and who endeavoured, with the support of Rughoojee Bhonslay, to purchase the office of Peishwa in 1740.
257. Hurry Punt Phurkay was of very low origin, having been a common domestic in the family of Trimbuck Rao Dizit, a banker in Poona.
258. Rugoba and Dada Sahib were familiar or domestic names for Rugonath Rao, as Suddaba and Bhow Sahib were for Sewdasheo Rao Chimnajee. Mr. Mostyn mentions that the impostor was confined in Doulutabad, which is a mistake; he was afterwards removed from Ahmednugur to Rutnaguiry, which I shall have occasion to notice presently.
259. Mahratta MSS. and Mr. Mostyn’s despatches.
260. Wilks. I follow the Mahratta MSS., and what can be gathered from Mr. Mostyn’s despatches, in stating the payment by Hyder to have been prior to receiving the news of the revolution.
261. I have this anecdote from Appajee Gonedeo, who was present.
262. Trimbuck Rao Mama was, as will be recollected, the officer who defeated Hyder three years before.
263. Mr. Mostyn’s despatches describe a stratagem practised by Rugoba on this occasion, but it is not mentioned in any Mahratta account, and, besides, from the nature of the ground where it happened, which is a very extensive bare plain, not apparently favorable to the growth of jungle, I doubt the possibility of an ambuscade such as Rugoba is said to have contrived.
264. The amount actually ceded, as appears by the state accounts, was rupees 1,323,339-6-1, of which Rookun-ud-dowlah, the minister, received rupees 138,269-10-1.
265. Mr. Mostyn’s despatch 17th April, 1774.
This collection transcribed by Chris Gage