Scope of this chapter. |
IN PREVIOUS chapters dealing with attack, with defence, with squares, with hill warfare, &c, the question of infantry tactics in general has necessarily been touched upon under various conditions. But there are still some points with regard to the chief arm of the service which have to be discussed. Fighting formations best adapted in certain phases of hill and jungle warfare have been described, but some explanation of the formations assumed by infantry under more ordinary conditions in small wars are still necessary, and the reasons for assuming them have to be explained. The very important question of fire discipline has moreover up to the present been scarcely touched upon. |
Object of normal infantry fighting formation. |
The fighting formation of infantry in the present day under ordinary circumstances would generally be a firing line in extended order with supports some distance in rear, and reserves some distance in rear, and a general reserve still further back. The principle of sending scouts ahead of the firing line has moreover been introduced in the British service after experiences in South Africa. The above arrangement is the product of the battle conditions arising from modern arms of precision. The long range and the rapid fire of rifles and of guns demand a formation presenting little target to the enemy, and the extended firing line is a result partly of this and partly of the necessity for freedom for the individual soldier to use his weapon with good effect; the supports and reserves are intended to fill up the gaps in the firing line caused by casualties and to give solidity and impetus to the final charge at the supreme moment of the fight. |
Reasons why this is not altogether applicable to small wars. |
But a fighting formation suitable in operations against well armed opponents is not always applicable to the conditions of the case in small wars. In combats against irregular warriors the losses from hostile fire are not as a rule very severe. The scathing, irresistible stream of bullets which in modern warfare has compelled the compact battle array of a former epoch to give place to-day to a loose elastic formation, is seldom met with. This being so, the main reason for the existence of supports and reserves does not hold good. On the other hand when determined onslaughts of masses of reckless fighting men armed with spears and swords are to be expected, a scattered fighting line has not the firmness and rigidity needed to meet the shock, and when this is the case, the old shoulder to shoulder formation in two ranks is resorted to. |
Deep formation unusual in attack. Reasons. |
A feature in fact of the usual infantry formation which is generally especially noticeable in irregular warfare is that there is so little depth. There is seldom need for it in infantry formations in small wars. The reason for this absence of depth is, that on the occasions when a scattered firing line is applicable strong bodies in rear to feed it during the course of action are unnecessary because losses are slight, and that on occasions when serried formation is essential there is no need or reason for depth inasmuch as the enemy's onslaught breaks itself against the fighting line. This absence of depth is generally a distinct feature of attacks in warfare of this nature. Owing to the circumstances strong reserves are not generally needed--the object of reserves is to fill up the gaps in the firing line, but gaps do not occur fighting against foemen who, even when their weapons are not antiquated, have not the ability to properly utilize the firearms which they have in their possession. Troops in the fore-front of the fray are not sacrificed wholesale as in regular warfare. Moreover experience shows that the enemy, in firing at the fighting line, often causes considerable loss to troops in rear, if the advance is made with large supports and reserves. |
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This was very noticeable in the action of Khushab in Persia in 1857 where Sir J. Ontram drew up his force for attack in two lines; nearly all the loss occurred in the second line owing to the misdirected fire of the Persian army. The great object to be kept in view is to develop to the full the fire effect of the modern rifle, and to push all men that can safely be spared from the reserves into the firing line. | |
Proportion of supports and reserves can generally be reduced in the attack. |
Experience has shown that attacks can generally be pushed home by the firing line which opens the engagement. Some reserves and supports are of course desirable, but it is generally found that these are used up rather in extending the fighting line than in feeding it. The troops push on in groups with rapid rushes, halting to fire occasionally and to gather breath for a fresh effort. The losses are ^significant, except when the firing line is brought to a halt by something unforeseen under close fire of the enemy, or when it happens to be necessary to cross a zone of open ground under concentrated fire from a sheltered enemy, as at Dargai. Irregular warriors seldom stand to receive a bayonet charge. Only a small percentage of such opponents will meet disciplined troops hand to hand, although their inferiority in the use of the arm blanche is generally far less marked than it is in the use of fire-arms. In attack, therefore, the object to be sought for seems to be not so much depth of formation with a view to feeding the firing line as the assault progresses, as extension, coupled with sufficient rigidity in the firing line to make it secure against a sudden counter-stroke. Practically, instead of firing line, supports, and reserves well apart--three distinct categories--only two categories seem to be required, viz., firing line with supports close up, and reserves. Scouts in front of the firing line will, speaking generally, be out of place; they would be rather in the way than otherwise, except of course in bush warfare where, as pointed out on pp. 350 to 352, they are so often a special feature. |
Attacks on hill positions. |
In hill warfare it has very.generally been found best in attack for an extended skirmishing line to be followed by groups of supports only a few yards in rear of it, while other groups in reserve should be only a short distance in rear of the supports. Thus a battalion might put six companies in the fighting line; each company would extend three sections, and have its other section advancing in rear of these, from 25 to 75 yards back; the two companies in reserve would follow 100 to 200 yards behind the general line of supports. As the enemy's firing line is approached the whole gradually closes up, so that the charge, if delivered at all, is delivered roughly in line. The companies in rear are, however, often pushed off to the flanks, so as to make enveloping attacks. In any case it is always necessary to fix bayonets as the crest of the hill is approached, and the supports should then get very close up. There is always a chance of a charge of swordsmen at the last moment in attacking heights held by tribesmen; and if the enemy bolts the right thing to do is to rush up and get the heaviest possible fire to bear on the fugitives before they get under cover, so the supports should be handy to join in. When the crest is reached it is better for the firing line to lie down for a moment. Hostile detachments will often be in some position within range which may bring a damaging fire to bear upon the troops when they show on the skyline. |
British and French methods. |
Considerable difference, however, manifests itself in different armies as regards the general method of carrying out infantry attacks in irregular warfare. It is impossible not to be struck, when reading between the lines in accounts of battles fought by British infantry on the one hand and by French infantry on the other, by the fact that the latter are more deliberate in their movements, that the troops are kept more thoroughly in hand, and that stricter fire discipline is maintained than with us. In some respects the more dashing the attack is the better, for the moral effect is greater. But on the contrary, |
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the less the men are kept in h,and in their advance, the worse is the fire discipline and the less the enemy suffers. In combat against such opponents as are generally met with in these campaigns, the object is not merely to drive them off from their ground, the object is to inflict heavy loss on them as well, and unregulated firing is not calculated to deal destruction in the hostile ranks. It may be laid down as a broad rule that fire should be reserved as long as possible, and until it is likely to be really effective. Nothing can be more unfortunate than to alarm the enemy too soon by musketry which at long ranges cannot cause many casualties. In the usual British form of attack there is emulation between individuals, between groups, sections, companies, and even battalions, and the enemy cannot face it. But the enemy also cannot face the more orderly advance of the French, and their deliberate volleys have done great execution. The magazine rifle has been introduced since the days of Tonkin, and volleys are no doubt now rather out of date; but the great point to bear in mind is that the troops must do execution if their success is to be of any real use. When it comes to a bayonet charge it will not be found that a steady and systematic advance up to that moment militates against its being delivered with all possible dash. | |
Reserving fire in attack. |
In an earlier chapter it has been shown that a premature employment of artillery fire may have most unfortunate results in this kind of warfare--it may drive the enemy away. The same principle applies to a certain extent to musketry. If the infantry begin sweeping the place where the enemy is with a hail of bullets long before they get near him, he will as likely as not take himself off at once. In nine cases out of ten the less firing there is the better during an advance, till the range is close enough to allow the men a chance of making good shooting. The men are always keen to fire and this tendency should be sternly checked unless the infantry is evidently going to be determinedly opposed. This is a very |
important point, and the principle should be inculcated upon subordinate commanders that fire is to be reserved. | |
Formation at Tel-el-Kebir. |
But attacks in small wars are not by any means always delivered in scattered formations, and it is interesting to note that orders of battle, very akin to the time-honoured thin red line, were adopted at Tel-el-Kebir and the Atbara against opponents very differently armed on the two occasions. |
Sir G. Wolseley's intention at Tel-el-Kebir was that the assault should be delivered in the same formation as the night march was carried out in, although discretion was left to the divisional commanders. In the Highland brigade, the battalions were formed into two lines, each consisting of two companies of the right and two of the left half battalion and the brigade was formed up in line of battalions at deploying intervals; the march and attack were carried out in this formation; but before the assault the half battalion double columns had closed in upon each other to such an extent, that it was practically delivered in two nearly continuous lines. The leading brigade of the other division advanced in columns of half battalions at deploying intervals; but it was deployed into line as it approached the entrenchments, and, the Highland brigade having delivered their assault before it had got close to the enemy, it assumed the attack formation. In this case the Highland brigade attacked in line formation, because (as had been hoped) it got close to the enemy's entrenchments before fire was opened. | |
Attack on the Atbara zeriba. |
The Atbara zeriba was stormed by three brigades, one British and two Egyptian, each of four battalions. The formation was as follows:--The British Brigade, under General Gatacre, on the left, was formed up with the Cameron Highlanders in front deployed into line, the Lincolns, Seaforths, and Warwicks 100 yards in rear in column of companies; the idea was that Nos. 2, 3, 6, and 7 companies of the Camerons were to overpower the enemy with their fire, while 1, 4, 5, and 8 companies pulled away the zeriba so as |
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to form large gaps through which the other three battalions would pass and deploy inside. Egyptian battalions had only six companies each; each Egyptian brigade was drawn up with three battalions for attack and one in reserve; the centre brigade had three companies of each attacking battalion in line with the other three in column behind, while the left brigade had four companies of each battalion in line and two companies in reserve behind. | |
When the attack was ordered the brigades advanced, the fighting line thus consisting of 29 companies in line, to within 300 yards of the zeriba; then after independent firing for some minutes, they rushed forward on the advance being sounded a second time. The Egyptian brigades maintained their formation till well within the defences. The Camerons, on the other-hand, breaking through the zeriba all along their line, continued advancing. Only the Seaforths, being in the centre, succeeded in deploying in rear of them, there being no room except for two companies of the Lincolns; and the two Highland battalions became to a certain extent intermingled in advancing across the successive lines of intrenchments inside the zeriba. The first obstacle proving, in fact, easier to surmount than had been expected, the plan of the one battalion in line making gaps through it, and then letting the battalions in rear pass through at intervals, was not carried out in the end. In this case the attack was delivered in line in broad daylight on formidable defence works. It was foreseen that, although the enemy was armed to a considerable extent with breech-loading rifles, the fire would not be so accurate (especially after a heavy bombardment) as to render this compact formation unjustifiable, and the order of battle ensured that the shook would be tremendous even against opponents whose forte was hand to hand fighting. | |
If we compare the formations adopted at Tel-el-Kebir and the Atbara to those usual in hill or jungle warfare, it is seen at once how extraordinarily tactics vary in different |
kinds of small wars. In bush campaigns the infantry work in small groups in loose formation, each group ready to dash forward independently for a short distance at a moment's notice; no great rushes in serried ranks to the sound of pipes and drum take place as at the Atbara, cohesion is often maintained only by sound and not by sight. In hill warfare ranks are only closed up actually at the moment of the charge, or just before it when there is sometimes a chance of a sudden rush down hill of fanatical swordsmen. But the principle of reserving fire seems to hold good in all cases, whether the troops come up against the hostile position in line or in scattered groups; the fundamental principle of attack formations in small wars is to get close up to the enemy by whatever method is best suited to the circumstances of the case, ignoring the hostile fire if necessary altogether. | |
Tendency to draw supports and reserves forward to extend the, firing line. |
It is remarkable how often it occurs that, even when a normal battle formation of infantry is adopted, supports and reserves are drawn into the firing line at a comparatively early stage of the fight so as to develop the fire. This occurred at the sudden Afghan onslaught at Ahmed Khel--when, however, the infantry were standing on the defensive, not attacking. The tendency of the enemy to endeavour to outflank the regular force often leads to this; the troops are compelled to extend their front to meet the hostile manoeuvre. |
In the action on the Gara heights near Dakka in Afghanistan in 1880, the infantry advanced to the attack with 300 rifles in the fighting line, 200 in support and 200 in reserve. During the attack the right, finding itself outflanked by the enemy, extended in that direction. This left a gap in the centre, but the gap was at once filled by the supports. | |
The supports and even the reserves are often used up in this fashion. It is not the purpose for which they are intended in regular warfare; but the system works remarkably-well. | |
General Skobelef's peculiar views. |
It is a striking fact that so skilled and experienced a leader as General Skobelef should have been strongly opposed to anything like dispersed formations in Asiatic warfare. |
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"We shall conquer," he wrote in his instructions prior to the attack on Yangi Kala already referred to on p. 178, "by means of close mobile and pliable formations, by careful, well-aimed volley firing, and by the bayonet which is in the hands of men who by discipline and soldier-like feeling have been made into a united body--the column is always terrifying." And again, "The main principle of Asiatic tactics is to preserve close formations." These maxims are not quoted as conclusive--on the contrary, they appear to have been enunciated under a mistaken estimate of the Tekke powers of counter-attack and of the fighting qualities of the Turkoman horse. But they are none the less interesting and instructive as the views of a great leader who thoroughly understood the art of war and who never failed in what he undertook. | |
The company frequently made the unit. |
There is generally a marked tendency in small wars to make the company the unit, although this is less observable in the British than in the French, Russian, and United States armies. General Skobelef laid particular stress on this point. Considering the battalion too large a unit in Dahomey, General Dodds' force from the beginning worked practically entirely by companies, and later on worked entirely by sections; this was, however, a case of bush warfare. Although French, Russian, and Italian companies on distant campaigns seldom amount to the war strength of 250, which is the supposed establishment, they muster stronger than a British company even at its full strength; a company in the Turkoman and Tonkin campaigns was generally about 150 strong. When only small forces are engaged, the fighting unit is also necessarily small. The Russians have for years accepted the company as the unit in their Central Asian campaigns, and they always calculate the strength of a force detailed for a small war by the number of companies, not by the number of battalions. Although the importance of this company system is most clearly established when infantry is acting on the offensive, owing to the elasticity which it allows in that each |
company forms its own supports and even reserves, it is also at times a convenient arrangement when on the defensive. In the chapter on bush warfare the special procedure in this respect in Ashanti has been dealt with. | |
Attacks should usually be carried out at a deliberate pace. |
There is one very important point to be noted as regards infantry attacks in small wars--a point which is sometimes neglected in the British service. When the enemy is evidently determined and means to put up a good fight the advance should, as a general rule, be conducted deliberately. Of course where it is a case of cutting the retreat of an assemblage of irregular warriors, or where some zone swept by effective fire has to be crossed, the movement cannot take place at too rapid a pace. But nothing has so great an effect upon undisciplined forces holding a position as a steady advance against them, except of course threats against their line of retreat. |
It moreover is usually the case in these campaigns that owing to the terrain, the heat, and so forth, rapid movements are very trying to regular soldiers, and officers must never forget that they have less to carry than their men. The health of the men has to be considered, and the risk which they run of chills if over heated by a prolonged movement at a rapid pace. In regular warfare advance must be carried out by rushes very exhausting to the foot soldier because of the enemy's accurate and effective fire, and on this account the tendency of infantry training is for attacks to be carried out as fast as the men can go. But in small wars there is not always the same need for this, because the enemy's fire is not likely to be very deadly. It may be suggested that this slow deliberate sort of advance will have just the effect which heavy firing would have at an.early stage, that it will drive the defenders away before the troops can get to close range. This does not however necessarily follow. If the troops come on slowly and deliberately, irregular warriors will be inclined to hang on to their position |
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till the assailants get fairly close, and then a rush may carry them right in before the enemy can get away. It is the last two or three hundred yards which are critical, and, if the assailants can get up as close as this with enough left in them for a dash at the end, they may manage to do a good deal of execution even if the defenders bolt the moment the charge begins. | |
Once irregulars break and run the ordinary infantryman has not the slightest chance of catching them; but if he is not out of breath and exhausted by rapid advance he may do great execution with his rifle, and it must never be forgotten that in small wars it is not capturing positions but thinning the hostile ranks which brings operations to a triumphant close. This question of pace really requires a good deal of judgment on the part of commanders, especially if the advance be made up bill. If the troops are hurried they straggle, their fire becomes totally ineffective, and if suddenly rushed by fanatics they may not be able to meet them with a firm and steady front--this actually occurred at Barara Tangi in Waziristan. | |
The failure of the attack on Laing's Nek, which went so near succeeding, has been a good deal attributed to the fact that the advance, led by mounted officers, was made too rapidly. The men of the 68th Regiment were hurried up the steep declivity which they had to breast, and the consequence was that they arrived near the top out of breath, exhausted, and incapable of making a final effort. In those days, however, the Boers were very skilful marksmen, which made it highly desirable to cross any ground under their fire at a rapid pace. | |
In the Tirah campaign and during other operations on the Indian frontier in 1897, although the tribesmen were armed partly with breech-loading rifles and even had some magazine rifles, their aim was not generally found very deadly. They made good shooting enough when they were in ambush or were following up retirements and had got to close range, but when being attacked their fire was generally wild and ineffective, causing few casualties, so that a steady advance did not expose the infantry to serious loss. | |
Infantry crossing especially dangerous move. |
There is one point with regard to infantry attack which has not been referred to before, but which deserves a special mention here. This is the problem of how best to get across |
a stretch, of open ground swept by the concentrated and well aimed fire of hostile bodies posted some distance away. Lieut.-Colonel Martin in "Mountain and Savage Warfare" says on this subject: "When exposed ground has to be crossed, the men should be sent across rapidly and in small numbers--a second unit being pushed out before the first has reached its cover. It is fatal to allow the enemy to concentrate his fire on one spot on reaching which each unit will be shot down. It is often possible to dribble men across a dangerous zone in twos and threes, and it is remarkable what a number of men can by this means be rapidly concentrated at some point where cover is available." Now the plan here advocated will work excellently as a general rule, but it may not work always. | |
If the enemy be armed with matchlocks, if the zone be short, and if the fire be not very heavy, the driblet system is admirably suited for the purpose. The hostile marksmen will be in doubt what to aim at, and if they fire at one spot the assailants who do not happen to be on that spot get across before the defenders can load again. But when the foe is supplied with modern weapons and is numerous, and when the exposed zone extends over some distance--conditions which prevailed at Dargai--the driblet system is fatal. In the first place small parties will turn back if they find those in front of them shot down, they will lack that feeling of confidence and enthusiasm which will carry a swarm of good troops across the most bullet swept spot, and they will not face the dangers that they see before them. In the second place the enemy will in any case be able to wipe out each driblet in succession before it can reach its cover. For such a case as Dargai, one which, it is true, will very rarely occur in irregular warfare of any kind, the only plan seems to be that adopted by Colonel Mathias, to rush the greatest body of men that can be got together across the zone of danger, and to chance the losses. The enemy no doubt gets |
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a big target. Losses will be severe. Failure to reach far side will be disastrous. But on the other hand the opposing warriors feel that they are being collared, they suffer in morale, are apt to lose their heads, and end by firing wildly; it is almost certain that a considerable proportion of the stormers will reach the far side in safety, which is, after all, the primary object to he achieved. The driblet plan will be the right one to adopt in probably four cases out of five but the fifth time it will be wrong. | |
These dangerous zones may occur in bush warfare as well as in hill warfare. In campaigns in the jungle clearings are often swept by heavy musketry. But in such cases the problem is not so much how the patch of ground is to be crossed with the idea of getting cover on the far side, as how to charge across the open and drive the foe from the fringe of the thickets on the far side. The enemy is not securely posted at some little distance, but on the contrary is close at hand and can only maintain his fire at the risk of being bayoneted. The dangerous zone in bush warfare can generally be effectively coped with by a bold charge in force across the clearing, and the chances are that this procedure will lead to the enemy flying through the jungle precipitately after firing off their weapons. The driblet system is generally entirely out of place, except when it is a question of crossing an exposed stretch of ground with a view to assembling in some sheltered spot beyond it before proceeding further. | |
Compact formations desirable on the defensive. |
It is necessary now to say a few words as to infantry tactics on the defensive. The defensive is an attitude so seldom adopted in small wars, and then only under such peculiar circumstances, that, when it is adopted, abnormal formations will probably be expedient owing to the existence of peculiar conditions. Regular troops as a rule only allow themselves to be attacked if the enemy be in very superior force, or if his method of fighting inclines to shock tactics. In either case it is desirable to present to his onslaught a |
compactor formation than the scattered firing line which is so suitable in attack. In square such as was used in Zululand and the Sudan, the infantry are of course formed up in two-deep line. The danger of attempting to meet a determined attack of savages in great force by a scattered firing line was shown conclusively at the disastrous fight at Isandlwhana. In motion the old-fashioned line formation is difficult to maintain, and in attack it interferes with fire; but standing on the defensive these objections to its adoption disappear. Against a two-deep line of good troops on fairly open ground ghazi rushes, the charges of Sudanese fanatics, and the reckless onslaught of Zulu swarms, avail the enemy little. The fact of the troops being in a rigid formation under perfect control, ensures the maintenance of that fire discipline which is at the root of success when the conditions are critical. The compactness of the formation gives the troops confidence when facing a savage charge, and ensures that the line will not falter. | |
Macdonald's brigade at the battle of Khartum. |
No better example of the value of the two-deep fine formation of former days when infantry is exposed to the resolute attack of masses, could be found than the case of Colonel MacDonald's brigade at the battle of Khartum. |
When the guns had, as narrated on p. 234, precipitated the advance of the western mass of Dervishes, the force was drawn up as shown in the sketch opposite. Four out of the six companies of each battalion were in line and two in reserve, except in the case of the 9th which had five companies in line. The western force attacked with reckless courage; but the steady infantry volleys and accurate artillery fire mowed the fanatics down, brought them to a standstill, and eventually compelled the survivors to seek safety in flight. | |
Before the overthrow of the western force had been accomplished, however, the second and northern hostile host was already on the move. Colonel Macdonald had ordered off the 11th to deploy on the right of the 9th, facing the new enemy while the fight still raged with the western mass, and number II battery came into action simultaneously between the 9th and 11th. Then the 10th were moved across to the new alignment, and the half battalion of the 9th was wheeled forward The other batteries and Maxims conformed Finally the 2nd, which by its fire had completed the discomfiture of the first assailants, was advanced and extended |
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the new front on the left of the 9th. The battalions as they deployed into their new positions put all their companies into line, so as to develop to the utmost the fire against the second mass of Dervishes, which was more formidable even than the first and which advanced with extraordinary determination. | |
Colonel Macdonald timed his changes of front to the instant, his battalions moved with barrack-yard precision, and it was demonstrated beyond possibility of dispute that as long as their commander is prepared for every eventuality good troops have, even when armed only with single loading rifles, little to fear from the onslaught of a fanatical horde on fairly open ground | |
Infantry opposed to irregular cavalry. |
It is generally acknowledged that in regular warfare infantry has nothing to fear from cavalry, unless it be taken by surprise and except when it is in retreat. If this is the case in campaigns where the infantry are liable to attack from highly-trained, well-mounted and admirably-handled bodies of horse, it almost follows as a matter of course that the same holds good in small wars where the hostile cavalry is in every respect, except at times individual swordsmanship, far inferior to what may be met with on a European battle-field. Adepts^ at scouting, excellent horsemen, highly skilled in wielding their sabres and their lances as are the horsemen met with in Central Asia, in Tartary, and in other theatres of minor campaigns, as cavalry on the battle-field they are not formidable. The great masses of horse brought into the field at Isly, in many of the fights of the war of 1859 of the Moors against Spain, and in Tunis, gave little trouble to the regular infantry. It may on occasion be desirable for the infantry to form rallying squares when attacked by such horsemen. If there is risk of the baggage being molested, it may even be necessary to form squares all round it. But steady infantry is safe unless surprised, and if good fire discipline be maintained in the ranks, it should inflict ruinous loss upon the enemy's cavaliers. |
Great importance of thorough fire discipline. |
Fire discipline has already been mentioned incidentally in this and other chapters. Its importance is supreme. No amount of dash and intrepidity in attack compensates for its deficiency. On the defensive its maintenance during all |
stages of the fight is the surest road to victory and to the compassing of the decisive overthrow and collapse of the assailant. Good fire discipline is the final test of infantry efficiency on the battle-field, and it is the principal point to be attended to from the moment that the infantry is launched into the fight till the day is decided. Modern armament is a mighty power, but it is a power which must be kept under control or its effectiveness will suffer. It must never be forgotten that in almost all cases in small wars the great object to be kept in view on the battle-field is to inflict the heaviest possible loss upon the enemy. A civilized army may be compelled to admit itself beaten as a result of the skilful combinations of a great commander, but the speediest method terrifying irregular warriors into submission is to thin their ranks. This will not be effected by wild unrestrained fire of excited men, unless the aim be steady and unless the sights be properly set, there will be noise and little else. | |
In some small wars the want of fire discipline among the infantry has been very marked. In the campaign of 1859 the Spanish troops appear to have been little if at all superior to the Moors in this respect; to this can largely be attributed the numerous battles which it became necessary to fight before the forces of the Sultan were finally overthrown. Vigorously handled and determined infantry may be able to carry the day without it in attack, but the losses inflicted upon the foe will not be serious. The battle will be won because the enemy gives way before the assailants, not because the hostile ranks are decimated by the bullet. On the defensive the absence of well regulated fire control when acting against opponents who trust to sudden rushes in great force, is sure to have unfortunate results and it may even lead to disaster. | |
Magazine rifle in the case of fanatical rushes. |
The battle of Khartum is the first example of combat on open terrain between infantry armed with magazine rifles standing on the defensive, and irregular warriors attacking in mass, and it seems to prove that the new weapon settles |
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for good and all any little chance of victory that the enemy may have had before its introduction. Whether in consequence of this it will he in the future practicable to substitute for the rigid square formation adopted at Ulundi and the earlier British campaigns in the Sudan, a more elastic one admitting of gaps and of the units having a greater independence, remains to be seen. But it seems impossible for hostile warriors to approach infantry supplied with such arms across any stretch of ground offering a reasonably good field of fire, except at night. The Dervishes never got near the British infantry, their phalanxes being mowed down and having ceased to exist while they were still some hundred of yards off; but they approached to within short range of Colonel Macdonald's brigade before its steady volleys laid them low. The superiority of the new infantry weapon over the old under these particular conditions, was shown conclusively by the contrast between what occurred in front of the British portion of Sir H. Kitchener's army, and what occurred in front of the Egyptian troops. There can be no question that the superiority of the regular troops campaigning against this class of antagonist has been enormously increased by the change in infantry armament. | |
The question of volleys and of independent fire. |
In the most recent developments of the tactics which are considered adapted to the conditions of regular warfare, volley firing has been relegated to the background. Volleys are not in conformity with that great development of musketry in action which the experiences of operations in South Africa and in the Far East have proved to be indispensable. But it is open to question whether in small wars volley firing should not still be made free use of. It must be remembered that infantry detailed for campaigns of this class is not always armed with magazine rifles of small bore, and that it does not always consist of troops of high pretensions who are inured to fire discipline by careful training. Rules suitable for highly trained regulars supplied with the most modern weapons, do not |
necessarily apply to infantry of a lower type who are armed with older rifles and are from their nature inclined to get out of hand on small provocation. For such troops as campaigns in East and West Africa are generally carried out by, volleys do not seem to be at all out of date, and their employment may be the only means of preserving fire discipline at all and of preventing a waste of ammunition which, unless it is checked, may lead to awkward results. | |
It used to be considered that volley firing by sections would, if well regulated and directed, be found effective at a range of 800 yards against a small section, 1,000 yards against a large section, and so on, and assuming such targets to present themselves, volley fire would of course be as effective against irregular warriors as it would be against disciplined troops. But it cannot be too strongly insisted upon that in attack, when fighting against opponents whom it is difficult to bring to battle, fire should generally be reserved as long as possible. Under the conditions ordinarily existing in small wars, effective fire at 800 yards range, whether it be independent fire or be volley fire, does not pave the way for decisive victory; it leads merely to an abandonment of his position by the foe. Officers have not merely to enforce fire discipline among their men, but must enforce it upon themselves. There is a great temptation to open fire during the pauses which necessarily take place in an attack, and the men naturally like to use their rifles. But all ranks must bear in mind that as a rule, the great object to be achieved, is to get up close to the enemy and to fire effectively on the fugitives when they quit their cover. It is interesting to note that at the attack on the Atbara zeriba, independent fire--not volley fire--was employed almost entirely by both British and Egyptian infantry; but there was little musketry till the front line was quite close to the defences; once inside the zeriba, control of fire became of course most difficult, and it seems certain that some of the losses among the troops were caused by bullets intended for the enemy. |
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Fire discipline in hill warfare. |
On broken ground and in hill warfare, where the enemy is well concealed and where the only target presented is a man showing now and then for a moment, it will almost always be better to employ a few picked marksmen firing independently, than to let all the men fire freely. This plan has been largely adopted of late years in hill warfare, and it holds good whether the troops are acting on the offensive or on the defensive. General Egerton says in his "Hill Warfare on the Indian Frontier":--"Much ammunition is wasted in volley firing in hill warfare. It is seldom that an opportunity occurs of firing at a formed body of the enemy in the open, when volley firing would properly be resorted to; but, as a rule, the target is against individuals or small bodies ensconced amongst rocks or behind sangars, and against such, independent firing (controlled) is far more effective and economical. When volleys are fired the enemy watch for the smoke and duck under cover, but they cannot avoid independent fire in this way." Should volleys be employed in such a case they might be delivered by sections or groups alternately, so as to maintain practically a constant fusillade. The enemy would not of course see the smoke from magazine rifles, but, except with the idea of steadying the men there is little advantage with the modern rifle in substituting volleys for carefully regulated independent fire. |
The conditions which in regular warfare make unrestrained fire at times almost compulsory, do not exist in small wars. |
It should generally be far easier to maintain thorough control over infantry fire in warfare of this character than in contests with disciplined and civilized troops. It must be remembered that in regular warfare losses are suffered from hostile fire which are unknown in minor campaigns-Infantry moving to the attack, no matter what formation they may be in, over anything approaching to open ground are struck down by scores. The tension is so great that after a time it becomes practically impossible to maintain fire discipline. "Of all the incidents of a modern fight," writes Colonel Maurice, "that of which it is hardest to give |
any conception is the intense absorption in the mere fact of firing, which almost like a catalepsy takes possession of a man." The soldiers must be allowed to fire freely to keep them occupied. They must be kept on the move. Confidence must be maintained at all hazards. A thorough fire discipline in the early stages of the fight is excellent, but as the crisis approaches its maintenance becomes well nigh impossible, and this is the direct outcome of modern armament upon the modern battle-field. | |
In small wars, however, the conditions are not analogous. The loss caused by the small-arm fire of irregular warriors is very slight, even at close range. There is no excuse for not maintaining a well-regulated fire discipline, and there is every reason for the musketry being under thorough control, as it is essential that the shooting shall be accurate. Unless the shooting is accurate, the enemy suffers little loss and is not really defeated even if he retires. The men ought not to get excited, because the proportion of casualties is so small as to be almost insignificant. In attack, in fact, there is seldom any reason for very rapid or magazine fire except at the closest quarters. | |
Fire discipline on the defensive. |
When infantry is acting on the defensive it is impossible to exaggerate the importance of its fire being kept absolutely under control. The adoption of a defensive attitude will generally, although not by any means always, mean that the regular force is at least temporarily at a disadvantage. It will often be very necessary to carefully husband the available ammunition; but in any case it is well to reserve fire till the range is so short as to ensure its being thoroughly effective. Of course a case like the battle of Khartum is exceptional-regular troops armed with magazine rifles will rarely find foemen approaching them for many hundred yards across the open, in phalanxes several ranks deep and affording a target not easy to miss. Under such exceptional conditions very long range musketry is likely to inflict heavy loss upon |
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the enemy; here it is not a question of reserving fire, for the assailants are not likely to think better of their intention to attack and therefore to withdraw almost undamaged, it is rather a case o.f pouring in fire from the moment that it can tell, so as to destroy a foe roused up to fanatical frenzy. When it is a case of an enemy making a formidable attack in great force over a comparatively short stretch of open ground, there can be little question that steady controlled fire should be maintained up to the last possible moment before magazine fire is resorted to. | |
When levies or troops of inferior calibre are rushed by swarms of fanatics it is most difficult to maintain fire discipline, and this has frequently led to disaster. This was Baker Pasha's experience at Trinkitat. The disaster at Gumburu, in Somaliland, was caused apparently by the ammunition running out, and it is reasonable to assume that this was partly due to insufficient fire discipline. At Major Gough's successful fight at Darotaleh a few days later ammunition nearly ran short which placed the little force in a position of considerable danger. It is often best for troops of this kind armed with single loading rifles to adhere entirely to volleys. | |
Advantage of reserving fire for close quarters. |
Reserving fire till the range is such as to ensure its being effective is equally desirable in attack and in defence, and this point has been several times referred to already. To ensure this in regular warfare is most difficult, on account of the losses which are suffered even when at some distance, and of the strain which this produces in the ranks. In small wars, however, when acting on the offensive, it must never be forgotten that under ordinary circumstances the great object is to let the enemy get to fairly close quarters. To drive savages off by long distance fire is a mistake, decisive victories are not gained by such methods and to a fight irregular warriors on these fines is to play at war, not to make war. It is a fundamental principle of tactics when |
operating against such foes that the troops must get at their adversaries and give them a lesson which they will not forget. | |
Similarly when standing on the defensive it is often better to reserve fire. Nothing can be more unfortunate than the premature checking of an attack by irregulars who would probably with better management approach close enough to get a good lesson. The object is to tempt them to come on till they are within effective range, because savages when they are repulsed by long range fire, do not consider themselves beaten and in reality are not beaten, not having suffered such losses as to take all fight out of them. | |
Foreign methods. |
It is worth noting that the French infantry in Tonkin and in Dahomey depended almost entirely on volley firing as long as the enemy showed a bold front; in pursuit, on the other hand, independent firing was sometimes resorted to. The excellent fire discipline contributed very largely to the almost uniform success enjoyed in these campaigns. At Kailua, the final fight in Tonkin referred to in Chapter XIV, the admirable fire discipline was the most prominent and remarkable feature of the battle; it was the main cause of the defeat of the Chinese when in great force and flushed with success. In the attack on the village of Nam in front of Bacninh, on which occasion some of the infantry used up an immense amount of ammunition, it was found that volley firing was far more efficacious than independent fire and that it made less smoke--this latter point has now of course lost its significance. In attack a few skirmishers used to be sent on ahead to open the fight, who, of course, made use of independent fire; but as the action developed they gave way to sections advancing by rushes and firing volleys. General Skobelef in his Turkoman campaign insisted upon the importance of volleys and deprecated independent fire under ordinary conditions. In the official account of the French expedition to Antananarivo in 1895 there is constant reference to the steady volley fire of the infantry; magazine fire |
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seems scarcely ever to have been resorted to. Abroad, as in "Combined Training," the utmost stress is always laid upon keeping fire absolutely under control, and it remains to be seen whether foreign troops will adhere to volley firing in the future when campaigning against irregulars or savages. | |
Remarks on the expenditure or ammunition. |
Experience proves that the expenditure of ammunition is not heavy in irregular warfare, because conflicts are rarely of long duration. This is, however, compensated for by the fact that owing to the difficulties of transport which are normal to such operations, it is more difficult to replace the rounds expended. Statistics show that a few rounds a man generally represents the amount in each fight. At the actions in Ulundi, Ginghilovo and Ahmed Khel, all of them fights where the enemy showed daring and resolution in attack, the expenditure was not over 10 rounds a man. At Charasia the 72nd fired 30 rounds a man, being heavily engaged for some hours. Although individual sections and companies sometimes run short, the experiences of the many campaigns carried out of recent years by European troops against all sorts of irregular opponents, tend to show that the supply of ammunition is not as a rule a subject of much anxiety, and that the replenishment of ammunition actually on the battle-field is not a question likely to often cause much difficulty. Still the cases in Somaliland referred to on an earlier page must not be forgotten; both at Gumburu and Darotaleh the fighting lasted for several hours. |
The Russian infantry during General Lomakin's disastrous attack on Denghil Tepe fired 246,000 rounds, or considerably over 100 rounds per man actually engaged. In the bush fighting in Ashanti the amount of ammunition used up was altogether abnormal. At El Teb the troops most committed fired about 50 rounds a man, and the same proportion represents what was expended by the broken square at Tamai. At Kirbekan two companies sent in the first instance to storm the high ridge, and which were unable to |
achieve this, fired away all their ammunition except four rounds a man. At the attack on Nam, near Bacninh, already mentioned on p. 395, the sections most heavily engaged fired the enormous total of 240 rounds a man. At the remarkable engagement at Achupa in Dahomey, which was referred to earlier in this volume on p. 260, 25,000 rounds were fired by about 300 men in two hours and a half, or about 80 rounds a man; in this case the magazine rifle was employed. On the only occasion that French troops were pressed in 1895 in Madagascar, when two companies forming the rear guard of the flying column near Antananarivo were attacked by very superior numbers, the ammunition nearly gave out. Upon the whole, however, there does not seem to he much reason to fear that the amount of ammunition carried upon the soldier will often prove insufficient, especially with the small bore rifles now in vogue. Still in those campaigns, where small detached bodies of infantry are often fighting hard for many hours, it is of immense advantage for each man to carry an abundant supply of rounds. Bringing up reserve ammunition on mules is by no means an easy matter under fire from skilful marksmen in concealed positions. On one occasion in 1897 over 6,000 rounds were lost by the mules being shot during a retirement, the troops being too hard pressed to save the boxes. When a replenishment seems desirable the opportunity should be carefully chosen, at a moment for instance when the operation will not draw a heavy fire. If particular units run short, it will sometimes be best to send them up a fresh supply by hand, parties from other units being detailed to carry it in haversacs or to employ their own pouches temporarily. | |
Expenditure of ammunition during night attacks. |
The experiences gained during the night attacks on the Malakand posts go to show that on such occasions the defenders are apt to fire away a great deal of ammunition, and the same was found to be the case during some of the Boer night attacks in latter part of the South African war. It |
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must be remembered that in the case of Malakand the garrison consisted entirely of native troops, that the casualties among the British officers were exceptionally heavy, and that therefore the maintenance of fire control was most difficult. Although there was a considerable reserve supply the heavy expenditure gave rise to some anxiety, and a squadron of Lancers, hurried up as reinforcement from the plains, managed to carry 10,000 rounds in their holsters and haversacs. Some regiments fired about 50 rounds a man in a single night, and it is obvious that a fusilade of this kind, on several nights in succession, created a serious drain on available resources. But the hostile efforts were very determined, fixing was often at close range, and it is by no means certain that British infantry would have expended less under like conditions. | |
The bayonet of great value, although theoretically the superiority of the regulars should be more marked as regards musketry than in hand to hand fighting. |
In small wars of the old musket days, it was not unusual to find the enemy in possession of fire arms effective up to longer range than those of the regular troops and as efficient in their use. It was so in the first Afghan war, and it was so in the Spanish Campaign of 1859 against the Moors. But in the present day it is safe to assume that the enemy from the nature of his weapons, want of training and so forth, is almost invariably far inferior to the trained infantry as regards the efficacy of musketry. Exceptions might occur in the case of a rebellion, and in the peculiar conditions of the Boer war of 1881 the enemy certainly had the advantage; moreover, recent experiences on the Indian frontier have prepared us for the gradual introduction of small arms of precision among semi-civilized races and savages, a fact which, as was pointed out in the introductory chapter, will have to be taken into account in the small wars of the future. Still, as a rule, the superiority of the regular infantry is undisputed. The point is referred to because it would at first sight seem natural that under such circumstances any resort to the bayonet must be a mistake. But all experience shows that this is quite a fallacy, and before closing this chapter it is desirable to draw |
Great effect of bayonet charges. |
attention to the immense value of what is the secondary weapon of the infantry soldier. Spanish troops in Morocco, French troops in Algeria, in Tunis, in Tonkin, and in Dahomey, Russian troops in Caucasia and in Central Asia, and British troops in all parts of the world, have proved the value of the bayonet against irregular warriors over and over again. The bravest of them turn and flee before a bayonet charge. The foemen whom the trained soldier meets in these campaigns are often supplied with spears and swords in the use of which they have been practiced from their childhood, and these weapons are generally of excellent quality, such as they are. In hand to hand fighting the regular infantry seem to throw away all the advantages which they derive from their very superior armament. Still the fact remains that the bayonet charge scarcely ever fails and that the enemy will not even face it as a rule. A few Ghazis may sell their lives dearly, a group here and there brought to bay may fight on to the bitter end, but such isolated efforts are of no avail. Apart from fanatics and from exceptionally brave savages like the Zulus, irregular warriors, be they Pathan hill-men or Somalis or Boxers or Boers, have no stomach for the infantryman's cold steel. This is a very important point to bear in mind. It often happens that small parties of infantry, suddenly exposed to a heavy fire from superior forces of irregular warriors, find themselves in gravest peril; at such a moment a resolute bayonet charge may save the situation and may win escape from a serious dilemma. |
On the defensive the bayonet is less certain. |
When the enemy acts as assailant the affair is sometimes not quite so one-sided. The Ghazis at Bareilly rushed right on to the bayonets. Some of the more reckless of the Mahdists would charge down and prove that in a melee they could be dangerous. Fanatics and savages will in the excitement of attack, fearlessly throw themselves upon the lines of steel if the bullets permit them to get to such close quarters, and in the scrimmage they may cause deplorable loss with their |
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swords and spears. Magazine fire, or steady volleys from single-loaders, should, however, render it almost impossible for them to get so near unless they can creep close up under cover before they deliver their onslaught, and it can safely be said that for regular troops to have to actually use the bayonet when acting on the defensive, is unusual. | |
There is always the chance, however, that a disciplined force acting on the defensive may have its general front pierced at some point by the assailants. When this happens the bayonet comes at once into play. The very fact of the regulars not being the attacking side as a general rule involves their being drawn up in an order of battle intended to meet hostile onslaughts from any side--the troops will be in square, or in a zeriba, or they will be acting as garrison of a work or a system of works. Should, under such conditions, the enemy by any chance penetrate within the lines, the infantry are very likely to fire into each other if musketry be relied upon to retrieve the situation. The best method of ejecting the intruders in a case of this kind will almost always be a counter-attack with the bayonet. | |
It was mainly with the bayonet that the interior of the square at Abu Klea was cleared of the fanatics who had got inside of it. | |
On the first night of the attacks on the Malakand positions in 1897, the enemy penetrated into the bazaar at one point, but they were promptly turned out by a company of the 24th Punjab Infantry at the point of the bayonet. At another point the lines were also forced, but the tribesmen here also were driven out; a handful of officers and men went at them, and after two unsuccessful bayonet charges, finally expelled the hostile party by a third charge. For such work as this there can be no question that cold steel is best, whether by day or at night. |
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